337.3 

T 174  Z 


THE  TAR  IF 
T H t U . . 


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Latest  Date  stamped  below. 

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protect- 
| led  tariff 
j otective, 


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educed 
eby,  re- 
vests, 


Price  5 cents, 


MANUAL. 


TO  WHICH  IS  ADDED 

THE  LABORING-MAN’S  INTERVIEW  WITH 
THE  PARTY  CHIEFS  ON  THE 
GREAT  ISSUE  OF 


THE  TARIFF. 


BOTH  PLATFORMS  BEING  GIVEN. 


AMERICAN  LABORERS’  EDUCATIONAL  SOCIETY, 
PUBLISHERS , 

81  MILK  STREET,  BOSTON,  MASS. 

1884. 


Copyright,  1884. 


Republican  Tariff  Platform. 

It  is  the  first  duty  of  a good 
government  to  protect  the  rights, 
and  promote  the  interests,  of  its 
own  people.  The  largest  diversity 
of  industry  is  most  productive  of 
general  prosperity,  and  of  the 
comfort  and  independence  of  the 
people.  We  therefore  demand 
that  the  imposition  of  duties  on 
foreign  imports  shall  be  made, 
not  for  revenue  xonly,  but  that,  in 
raising  the  requisite  revenues  for 
the  government,  such  duties  shall 
be  so  levied  as  to  afford  security 
to  our  diversified  industries,  and 
protection  to  the  rights  and  wages 
of  the  laborer,  to  the  end  that 
active  and  intelligent  labor,  as 
well  as  capital,  may  have  its  just 
reward,  and  the  laboring-man  his 
full  share  in  the  national  pros- 
perity. 

Against  the  so-called  economic 
system  of  the  Democratic  party, 
which  would  degrade  our  labor 
to  the  foreign  standard,  we  enter 
our  earnest  protest.  The  Demo- 
cratic party  has  failed  completely 
to  relieve  the  people  of  the  bur- 
den of  unnecessary  taxation  by  a 
wise  reduction  of  the  surplus. 

The  Republican  party  pledges 
itself  to  correct  the  inequalities 
of  the  tariff,  and  to  reduce  the 
surplus,  not  by  the  vicious  and 
indiscriminate  process  of  hori- 
zontal reduction,  but  by  such 
methods  as  will  relieve  the  tax- 
payer without  injuring  the  la- 
borer or  the  great  productive 
interests  of  the  country. 

We  recognize  the  importance 
of  sheep-husbandry  in  the  United 
States,  the  serious  depression 
which  it  is  now  experiencing, 
and  the  danger  threatening  its 
future  prosperity ; and  we  there- 
fore respect  the  demands  of  the 
representatives  of  this  important 
agricultural  interest  for  a re-ad- 
justment of  duty  upon  foreign 
wool,  in  order  that  such  industry 
shall  have  full  and  adequate  pro- 
tection. 


Democratic  Tariff  Platform. 

Knowing  full  well,  however, 
that  legislation  affecting  the  oc- 
cupations of  the  people  should 
be  cautious  and  conservative  in 
method,  not  in  advance  of  public 
opinion,  but  responsive  to  its  de- 
mands, the  Democratic  party  is 
pledged  to  revise  the  tariff  in  a 
spirit  of  fairness  to  all  interests ; 
but,  in  making  reduction  in  taxes, 
it  is  not  proposed  to  injure  any 
domestic  industries,  but  rather  to 
promote  their  healthy  growth. 
From  the  foundation  of  this  gov- 
ernment, taxes  collected  at  the 
custom-house  have  been  the  chief 
source  of  federal  revenue : such 
they  must  continue  to  be.  More- 
over, many  industries  have  come 
to  rely  upon  legislation  for  suc- 
cessful continuance;  so  that  any 
change  of  law  must  be,  at  every 
step,  rega.rdful  of  the  labor  and 
capital  thus  involved.  The  pro- 
cess of  reform  must  be  subject  in 
the  execution  of  this  plain  dictate 
of  justice. 

All  taxation  shall  be  limited  to 
the  requirements  of  economical 
government.  The  necessary  re- 
duction in  taxation  can  and  must 
be  effected  without  depriving 
American  labor  of  the  ability  to 
compete  successfully  with  foreign 
labor,  and  without  imposing  lower 
rates  of  duty  than  will  be  ample 
to  cover  any  increased  cost  of 
production  which  may  exist  in 
consequence  of  *he  higher  rate  of 
wages  prevailing  in  this  country. 
Sufficient  revenue  to  pay  all  the 
expenses  of  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment economically  administered, 
including  pensions,  interest  and 
principal  of  the  public  debt,  can 
be  got  under  our  present  system 
of  taxation  from  custom-house 
taxes  on  fewer  imported  articles, 
bearing  heaviest  on  articles  of 
luxury,  and  bearing  lightest  on 
articles  of  necessity. 

We  therefore  denounce  the 
abuses  of  the  existing  tariff;  and, 
subject  to  the  preceding  limita- 
tions. we  demand  that  federal 
taxation  shall  be  exclusively  for 
public  purposes,  and  shall  not 
exceed  the  needs  of  the  govern- 
ment economically  administered. 


CONTENTS 


cno.b  American  Laborers T Education- 
al Society.  American  laborers  politi- 
cal manual.  To  which  is  added  the 
laboring-man Ts  interview  with  the  party 
chiefs  on  the  great  issue  of  the  tariff. 
Both  platforms  being  given.  1884. 

cno .2=>  Stebbins,  G-.  B.  "British  free 
trade,”  a delusion,  c 1865a 

cno.3^  Frye,  W.  P.  What  Senator  Frye 
saw  in  Europe.  How  wage-earners  live 
and  are  paid  in  free  trade  countries, 
and  Hoar,  G-.  F.  Senator  Hoar  on  the 
influence  on  the  tariff,  c 1887 n 

cno.4a  Donnell,  E.  J.  The  impending 
crisis.  c188-3 

cno.5a  McKay,  N.  Free  trade  toilers. 
An  open  letter  to  workingmen.  Which 
shall  it  be?  The  results  of  an  Ameri- 
can^ tour  among  England1 s masses. 
c18903 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2017  with  funding  from 

University  of  Illinois  Urbana-Champaign  Alternates 


https://archive.org/details/thetariffquestioOOunse 


PSBl  0 Z l nr  )ryvr?W  ^ Wit 


Tariff  Rates. 

A few  of  the  principal  articles  given  with  present  rates  and  those 
proposed  by  the  Morrison  bill : — 


O 

O 


3 

/_a 

Present  Rate. 

Morrison. 

Bituminous  coal  and  shale  . . 

75  cts.  per  ton. 

Free. 

Iron  ore  

75  cts.  per  ton. 

Free. 

Copper  ore 

2k  to  3£  cts.  per  lb. 

Free. 

Lime 

10  per  cent. 

Free. 

Decorated  china,  etc 

60  per  cent. 

48  per  cent. 

Plain  china,  earthenware,  etc. 

55  per  cent. 

44  per  cent. 

Steel  rails 

$17  per  ton. 

$13.50  per  ton. 

Bleached  cotton  goods  . . . 

3£  cts.  per  yard. 

2.8  cts.  per  yard. 

Colored  cotton  prints,  etc.  . . 

5 cts.  per  yard. 

4 cts.  per  yard. 

Wool 

10  and  12  cts.  per  lb. 

8 and  9.6  cts.  per  lb. 

Woollen  goods  under  80  cents 

per  lb 

Woollen  goods  above  80  cents 

35  + 35  cents. 

28  + 28  cents. 

per  lb 

35  4-  40  cents. 

28  + 32  cents. 

Sugar  

lyMe'  cts.  Pei'  lb. 

1-nfo  cts.  per  lb. 

Molasses  per  gal 

4 and  8 cents. 

3.2  and  6.4  cents. 

Rice  per  lb 

2\  cents. 

2\  cents. 

Valuation  of  the  United  States,  1880. 

Z*™  • • • , $10,197,000,000 

Residence  and  business,  real  estate 9,881,000,000 

All  real  estate  exempt  from  tax 2,000,000*000 

5,536,000,000 

419.000. 000 

3.056.000. 000 

5.000. 000.000 

781.000. 000 


Railroads  and  equipments 

Telegraphs,  shipping,  and  canals [ ! 

Live-stock,  farm-tools,  and  machinery 

Household  furniture,  clothing,  paintings,  books,  jew- 
ellery, household  supplies  of  food,  fuel,  etc.  . . . 
Mines,  etc.,  with  one-half  the  annual  product  . . . 

1 hree-fourths  the  annual  product  of  agriculture  and 
manufactures,  and  imports  of  foreign  goods  . 
Specie 


6,160,000,000 

612,000,000 


Total 


$43,642,000,000 


Foreign  Immigration  since  1872,  by  Fiscal  Years  — Offici 


Years. 

Number. 

Years. 

Number. 

Years. 

Number. 

1872  . . . 

404,806 

1876 . . . 

169,986 

1880.  . . 

457,257 

1873  . . . 

459,803 

1877  . . . 

141,857 

1881.  . . 

669,331 

1874  . . . 

313,339 

1878.  . . 

138,469 

1882 . . . 

788,992 

1875  • . . 

227,498 

1879 . . . 

177,826 

1883 . . . 

599,114 

Of  the  arrivals  in  1883,  191,643  were  from  Germany,  79,852  from 
England  and  Wales,  64,971  from  Dominion  of  Canada,  63,720  from 
Ireland,  34,596  from  Sweden,  31,715  from  Italy,  21,849  from  Norway, 
19,612  from  Scotland,  10,517  from  Austria.  y’ 


Ordinary  Revenues  and  Expenditures  of  the  United 
States. 

Revenues. 


1881. 

1882. 

1883. 

Customs 

Internal  revenue  . . 
Public  lands  . . 
Miscellaneous . . . 

$198,159,676  02 
135,264,385  51 
2,201,863  17 
25,156,367  87 

$220,410,730  25 
146,497,595  45 
4,753,140  37 
31,863,784  21 

$214,706,496  93 
144,720,368  98 
7,955,864  42 
30,904,851  62 

Totals 

$360,782,292  57 

$403,525,250  28 

$398,287,581  95 

Expenditures. 


[ 

1881. 

1882. 

1883. 

Civil  list 

Foreign  intercourse . 
Navy  department 
War  department,  in- 
cluding rivers  and 
harbors,  etc.  . . 

Pensions 

Indians  

Miscellaneous  . . . 

$17,941,177  19 
1,093,954  92 
15,686,671  66 

40,466,460  55 
50,059,279  62 
6,514,161  09 
45,381,192  60 

$18,042,386  42 
1,307,583  19 
15,032,046  26 

43,570,494  19 
61,345,193  95 
9,736,747  40 
34,539,237  50 

$22,343,285  76 
*2,419,275  24 
15,283,437  17 

48,911,382  93 
66,012,573  64 
7,362,590  34 
43,915,461  21 

Int.  on  public  debt  . 

$177,142,897  63 
82,508,741  18 

$186,904,232  781 
71,077,206  79; 

$206,248,006  29 
59,160,131  25 

Total  expenses . . 

$259,665,638  81 

$257,981,439  57 

$265,408,137  54 

* Including  $785,000.87  Japanese  indemnity,  and  $140,000  to  offi- 
cers and  crews  of  ship  “ Wyoming”  and  steamer  “ Takiang.” 


National  debt,  less  cash  in  treasury,  Dec.  1,  1883  . $1,509,785,060  85 


United-States  Population  Statistics,  1880. 


Total  population 50,155,783 

Male  “ 25,518,820 

Female  “ 24,636,963 

Native  born 43,475,840 

Foreign  “ 6,679,943 

White 43,402,970 

Colored 6,580,793 

Chinese 105,465 

Indians  (excluding  Alaska) 256,407 

Population  of  working-age  : — 

10  years  and  over 36,761,607 

' Male 18,735,980 

Female 18,025,627 


Actual  number  laboring  in  all  occupations:  — 

Male  laborers  . . " 14,744,942 

Female  “ 2,647,157 

Total 17,392,099 

Number  engaged  in  Agriculture  : — 

Male 7,075,983 

Female 594,510 

Total 7,670,493 

Professional  and  Personal  Service  : — 

Male 2,712,943 

Female 1,361,295 

Total 4,074,238 

Trade  and  Transportation  : — 

Male  . 1,750,892 

Female 59,364 

Total 1,810,256 

Manufacturing  and  Mechanical  and  Mining  industries  : — 

Male 3,205,124 

Female 631,988 

Total 3,837,112 


Population 

'of  States 

Alabama  .... 

. 1,262,505 

Arizona  

40,440 

Arkansas  .... 

. 802,525 

California  .... 

864,694 

Colorado  .... 

. 194,327 

Connecticut  . . . 

. 622,700 

Dakota 

135,177 

Delaware  .... 

146,608 

District  of  Columbia 

. 177,638 

Florida 

. 269,494 

(Georgia  

. 1,542,359 

Idaho  

Illinois 

Indiana  

. 1,977,301 

Iowa 

. 1,624,615 

Kansas 

. 996,096 

Kentucky  .... 

. 1,648,690 

Louisiana  .... 

. 939,946 

Maine 

. 648,936 

Maryland  .... 

934,943 

Massachusetts.  . . 

. 1,783,085 

Michigan  . . . . 

. 1,636,937 

Minnesota  . . . . 

. 780,733 

Mississippi  .... 

. 1,131,597 

Missouri  .... 

. 2,168,380 

and  Territories,  1880. 


Montana  .... 
Nebraska  .... 
Nevada 

39,159 

452,402 

62,266 

346,991 

New  Hampshire  . . 
New  Jersey  . . . 

1,131,116 

119,565 

New  Mexico  . . . 

New  York  .... 

5,082,871 

North  Carolina  . . 

•• 

, 1,399,750 

Ohio 

3,198,062 

Oregon 

174,768 

Pennsylvania  . . . 

4,282,891 

Rhode  Island  . . . 

276,531 

South  Carolina  . . 

995,577 

Tennessee  . . . . 

1,542,180 

Texas 

1,591,749 

Utah 

143,963 

Vermont  . . . . 

332,286 

Virginia  

1,512,565 

Washington  Territoi 

y, 

75,116 

West  Virginia  . . 

618,457 

Wisconsin  . . . . 

1,315,497 

Wyoming  Territory 

20,789 

Total  . . . . 

50,165,783 

Electoral  Vote,  1880. 


Garfield,  R. 

Hancock,  D. 

California 

1 

Alabama 

10 

Colorado 

3 

Arkansas 

6 

Connecticut 

6 

California 

5 

Illinois 

21 

Delaware 

3 

Indiana 

15 

Florida 

4 

Iowa 

11 

Georgia 

11 

Kansas 

5 

Kentucky 

12 

Maine 

7 

Louisiana 

8 

Massachusetts 

13 

Maryland 

8 

Michigan 

11 

Mississippi 

8 

Minnesota 

5 

Missouri 

15 

Nebraska 

3 

Nevada 

3 

New  Hampshire  .... 

5 

New  Jersey 

9 

New  York 

35 

North  Carolina  .... 

10 

Ohio 

22 

South  Carolina  .... 

7 

Oregon 

3 

Tennessee 

12 

Pennsylvania 

29 

Texas  . . 

8 

Rhode  Island 

4 

Virginia 

11 

Vermont 

5 

West  Virginia  .... 

5 

Wisconsin 

10 

Total 

214 

Total 

155 

Majority 

59 

Total  vote 

369 

Electoral  Vote,  1884. 


New  Apportionment. 


Alabama 

10 

Nebraska 

5 

Arkansas 

7 

Nevada  . » 

3 

California 

8 

New  Hampshire.  . . . 

4 

Colorado 

3 

New  Jersey 

9 

Connecticut.  .... 

6 

New  York 

36 

Delaware 

3 

North  Carolina  .... 

11 

Florida 

4 

Ohio 

23 

Georgia 

12 

Oregon 

3 

Illinois 

22 

Pennsylvania 

30 

Indiana 

15 

Rhode  Island 

4 

Iowa 

13 

South  Carolina  .... 

9 

Kansas  

9 

Tennessee 

12 

Kentucky 

13 

Texas 

13 

Louisiana 

8 

Vermont 

4 

Maine 

6 

Virginia 

12 

Maryland 

8 

West  Virginia  .... 

6 

Massachusetts 

14 

Wisconsin 

11 

Michigan 

13 

— 

Minnesota 

7 

Total  vote 

401 

Mississippi  ...... 

9 

Missouri 

16 

Necessary  to  choice  . . 

201 

Election  d 


ty,  Nov.  4. 


Electoral  Colleges  meet  Dec.  3. 


Popular  Vote,  1880. 

Total  vote,  9,219,947:  Garfield,  4,454,416;  Hancock,  4,444,952; 
Weaver,  Greenback,  308,578;  Prohibitory,  Independent,  and  Scatter- 
ing, 12,001.  Garfield  over  Hancock,  9,464. 


POLITICAL  PARTIES  IN  THE 
UNITED  STATES.1 


INTRODUCTION.  — At  the  close  of  the  Revolu- 
tionary  war  the  insufficiency  of  the  existing  form  of 
government  was  a matter  of  much  concern.  It  was  a 
mere  confederation  of  sovereign  States,  with  no  chief 
magistrate  or  general  judiciary  ; and  Congress  had  no 
power  to  compel  obedience  to  its  laws.  In  1786,  by 
the  advice  of  Washington  and  other  eminent  states- 
men, a convention  of  a minority  of  the  States  was  held 
at  Annapolis,  followed  in  May,  1787,  by  one  called  by 
Congress,  at  which  all  the  States  except  Rhode  Island 
were  represented.  George  Washington  presided.  In 
September,  1787,  this  convention  adopted  “ The  Con- 
stitution of  the  United  States ; ” and  copies  were  sent 
to  the  several  legislatures  of  the  States  for  ratification. 
On  this  question  arose  the  first  great  political  agita- 
tion, and  parties  appeared.  Those  favoring  the  Con- 
stitution were  called  Federalists. 

FEDERALISTS,  THE,  were  the  advocates  of  a 
strong  government.  Under  the  leadership  of  Alexan- 
der Hamilton,  who,  with  the  aid  of  James  Madison 
and  John  Jay,  published  eighty-six  essays  known  as 
“The  Federalist,”  in  which  these  views  were  urged, 
aided,  too,  by  the  known  opinions  of  Washington, 
their  efforts  for  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution  were 
successful.  The  wealthy  and  commercial  classes  were 
generally  in  accord  with  them ; and  the  party  came 
into  power  on  the  accession  of  Washington  to  the  presi- 

1 People’s  Cyclopaedia. 


deucy,  April  30, 1789.  On  Sept.  11  Hamilton  was  ap- 
pointed Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  and  his  genius  had 
much  to  do  with  the  success  of  the  administration. 
The  most  pressing  matter  was  the  debt.  He  proposed 
that  the  indebtedness  of  the  United  States  and  the  Rev- 
olutionary expenses  of  the  States,  in  all  nearly  eighty 
million  dollars,  should  be  assumed  by  the  General  Gov- 
ernment, and  fully  paid  by  revenue  derived  from  cus- 
toms and  a duty  on  ships.  This  met  with  sharp 
opposition,  but  was  finally  adopted,  and  the  credit  of 
the  country  set  on  a firm  basis.  In  1791  the  Bank 
of  the  United  States,  with  a capital  of  ten  million 
dollars,  was  established,  three-fourths  to  be  paid  in 
United-States  stock  at  six  per  cent,  thus  furnishing  a 
market  for  the  bonds  of  the  government.  There  was 
no  opposition  to  the  re-election  of  Washington  in 
1793 ; but,  during  his  second  term,  the  diverse  ele- 
ments of  his  cabinet  caused  an  explosion.  Alexander 
Hamilton  and  Henry  Knox  were  earnest  Federalists, 
while  Thomas  Jefferson  and  Edmund  Randolph  were 
opposed  to  that  party.  This  led,  at  the  retirement 
of  Washington,  to  a party  strife  on  the  election  of 
a President.  The  Federalists  were  successful ; and 
.John  Adams  became  President,  March  4, 1797,  and,  as 
the  electoral  law  then  stood,  his  competitor,  Thomas 
Jefferson,  having  the  next  highest  number  of  votes, 
Vice-President.  Ilis  administration  was  unfortunate  ; 
and  some  of  his  acts  gave  offence  to  his  own  followers, 
especially  in  his  dealing  with  France.  The  Alien  and 
Sedition  Laws,  for  which  the  Federalists  were  respon- 
sible, had  made  the  party  unpopular;  and  Mr.  Adams 
was  defeated  as  a candidate  for  a second  term  by 
Thomas  Jefferson,  which  virtually  destroyed  the  power 
of  the  Federalists.  During  the  administration  of 
James  Madison,  who  had  long  before  left  the  Feder- 
alists, June  4,  1812,  war  was  declared  against  Great 
Britain ; and  the  measures  adopted  pressed  hardly 


upon  New  England,  where  many  had  opposed  it  from 
the  beginning.  The  Hartford  Convention  met  Dec. 
15,  1814.  Its  president,  George  Cabot  of  Massachu- 
setts, and  all  its  members,  were  Federalists.  It  sat 
with  closed  doors,  and  its  proceedings  were  assumed 
to  be  hostile  to  the  government : and  this,  coupled 
with  a suspicion  of  disloyalty,  wrought  the  complete 
ruin  of  the  party ; and  it  disappeared  on  the  election 
of  James  Monroe  in  1S16. 

ANTI-FEDERALISTS.  — This  party  arose  during 
the  discussion  of  the  ratification  of  the  Constitution. 
Its  principles  were  based  on  opposition  to  the  cen- 
tralization of  power  in  the  General  Government.  It 
was  also  known  as  the  Republican  party ; and  this 
name,  Mr.  Jefferson,  its  greatest  leader,  was  anxious 
to  retain : but  its  members  became  known  as  Demo- 
crats, and  the  other  titles  were  dropped.  Its  first 
success  was  the  election  of  Thomas  Jefferson  Presi- 
dent in  1801.  Mr.  Jefferson  transferred  at  once  the 
chief  offices  to  members  of  the  party : internal  reve- 
nues were  abolished,  and  the  Alien  and  Sedition  Laws 
were  repealed.  lie  was  elected  a second  time  in  1805; 
and,  on  the  expiration  of  his  term,  the ' sympathy  of 
the  Democrats  with  France,  and  their  enmity  toward 
England,  whose  conduct  on  the  seas  had  rendered  her 
obnoxious,  caused  the  election  of  James  Madison  to 
the  presidency  in  1809,  who  was  again  chosen  in  1813. 
The  successful  issue  of  the  war  of  1812  continued  the 
power  of  the  party;  and  James  Monroe  became  Presi- 
dent in  1817,  followed  by  a second  term  in  1821.  In 
the  election  of  1824,  there  were  four  candidates  for 
President;  namely, 'John  Q.  Adams,  Andrew  Jackson, 
Henry  Clay,  and  W.  H.  Crawford,  all  of  whom 
claimed  to  be  Democrats.  None  having  a majority, 
the  election  was  thrown  into  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, when  Mr.  Adams  was  chosen  President; 


John  C.  Calhoun  being  Vice-President  by  the  votes  of 
the  electoral  college.  In  1828  Andrew  Jackson  was 
elected  President  after  a sharp  struggle  with  the  advo- 
cates of  Adams,  no  principle  being  at  stake ; and  he 
was  again  chosen  in  1832.  The  acts  of  Gen.  Jackson 
caused  strong  opposition,  and  it  was  during  his  ad- 
ministration the  Whig  party  was  formed.  And  as 
the  lines  were  drawn,  and  men  ranged  themselves  on 
either  side,  the  Democrats  took  tho  name  of  the 
Democratic  party,  and  claimed  to  be  the  successors  of 
the  old  Jeffersonian  party. 

DEMOCRATIC  PARTY.  — The  political  features 
of  Jackson’s  administration  were,  the  opposition  to  the 
United-States  Bank,  the  denial  of  the  right  of  any 
State  to  nullify  the  laws  of  Congress,  and  the  excite- 
ment over  the  tariff  question.  In  1836,  through  the 
influence  of  Jackson,  Martin  Van  Buren  was  elected 
President;  and,  during  his  administration,  the  prestige 
of  the  Democratic  party  began  to  wane.  In  1837  the 
country  went  through  a severe  commercial  panic. 
Credit,  speculation,  and  banking  had  been  carried  to 
extreme  limits,  and  disaster  followed.  For  this  state 
of  affairs  the  administration  was  held  responsible. 
The  election  of  1840  was  a revolution;  and,  in  the 
choice  of  Gen.  Harrison  by  the  electoral  vote  of  two 
hundred  and  thirty-four  to  sixty,  the  Democratic  party, 
after  forty  years  of  power,  was  forced  to  retire.  But 
the  Whig  triumph  was  short-lived.  Gen.  Harrison  died 
one  month  after  his  inauguration ; and  John  Tyler,  who 
had  been  nominated  for  Vice-President  to  conciliate 
Virginia,  succeeded  to  the  presidential  chair.  All  his 
life  he  had  held  and  advocated  Democratic  doctrines, 
especially  the  opposition  to  the  United- States  Bank,  a 
protective  tariff,  and  internal  improvements  by  the 
General  Government.  On  his  accession  he  continued 
the  cabinet  of  his  predecessor,  Daniel  Webster  being 


Secretary  of  State.  But,  after  two  successive  vetoes  of 
the  “ Fiscal  Bank  of  the  United  States  ” bill,  his  cabinet 
left  him,  — Mr.  Webster  remaining  only  till  the  con- 
clusion of  the  Webster- Ashburton  treaty,  — and  his  ad- 
ministration became  essentially  Democratic.  In  1844 
James  K.  Polk  was  elected  President,  after  a bitter 
and  exciting  contest,  over  Henry  Clay.  The  annexa- 
tion of  Texas,  which  was  urged  by  the  Democratic 
party,  was  the  great  question  in  determining  this  elec- 
tion, and  was  accomplished  March  1,  1845,  three  days 
before  the  inauguration  of  Mr.  Polk.  This  led  to  a 
war  with  Mexico,  which  was  declared  May  13,  1846. 
At  its  successful  conclusion,  not  only  was  the  Rio 
Grande  established  as  the  boundary  of  Texas,  but  all 
New  Mexico  and  Upper  California  were  relinquished 
to  the  United  States.  In  March,  1820,  an  Act,  known 
as  the  Missouri  Compromise,  had  been  passed,  forbid- 
ding the  introduction  of  slavery  in  any  of  the  States 
formed  from  the  Louisiana  cession  north  of  36°  30'. 
On  Aug.  8,  1846,  the  rejection  of  the  so-called  Wilmot 
Proviso  by  the  Senate,  which  provided,  “ That,  as  an 
express  and  a fundamental  condition  to  the  acquisition 
of  any  territory  from  the  republic  of  Mexico  by  the 
United  States,  . . . neither  slavery  nor  involuntary 
servitude  shall  ever  exist  in  any  part  of  said  territory,” 
became  the  starting-point  of  the  Free-soil  party  in 
1848.  Mr.  Wilmot,  the  mover,  was  a Democrat.  The 
popularity  of  Gen.  Taylor  caused  the  defeat  of  Lewis 
Cass  in  the  election  of  1848;  and  the  Democratic  party 
went  out  of  power  till  1853,  when  Franklin  Pierce  be- 
came President.  In  1856  it  elected  James  Buchanan 
President,  and  John  C.  Breckinridge  Vice-President. 
At  the  convention  held  in  Charleston,  S.C.,  April, 
1860,  the  slavery  issue  caused  a disruption  of  the  party, 
— the  slave  section  nominating  JohnC.  Breckinridge, 
and  the  free,  Stephen  A.  Douglas ; and,  on  Mr.  Lin- 
coln’s election,  it  lost  the  supremacy  which  it  had  held 


with  little  interruption  for  sixty  years.  It  has  had, 
however,  a vigorous  life,  and  has  contested  hotly  every 
presidential  election  ; its  unsuccessful  candidates  being 
George  B.  McClellan  in  1864,  Horatio  Seymour  in 
1868,  Horace  Greeley  in  1872,  Samuel  J.  Tilden  in 
1876,  and  Winfield  S.  Hancock  in  1880. 

WHIG  PARTY.  — During  the  administration  of 
Andrew7  Jackson,  the  opposition  took  definite  shape 
under  the  leadership  of  Henry  Clay  and  Daniel  Web- 
ster.  This  was  afterward  known  as  the  Whig  party,- 
though  Mr.  Clay  was  their  candidate  in  1832  under 
the  name  of  National  Republicans.  It  was  joined  by 
Federalists  and  the  descendants  of  Federalists ; and  its 
active  principles  were  the  advocacy  of  the  United- 
States  Bank,  a protective  tariff,  and  internal  improve- 
ments by  the  General  Government.  And  it  opposed 
the  system  adopted  by  Jackson  of  removal  from  office 
on  account  of  political  opinions,  which  he  had  justified 
on  the  plea  that  “to  the  victors  belong  the  spoils.” 
Its  first  success  w7as  in  1840,  when  Gen.  William  II. 
Harrison  was  elected  President,  and  John  Tyler  Vice- 
President  ; but  the  fruits  of  the  victory  were  lost  by 
the  course  of  Mr.  Tyler  after  his  accession  to  the 
presidency  at  the  death  of  Gen.  Harrison  when  only  a 
month  in  office.  The  “ spoils  ” system  proved  too  at- 
tractive for  the  virtue  of  the  incoming  party,  and  was 
adopted.  The  country  was  agitated  during  Mr.  Tyler’s 
administration  over  the  annexation  of  Texas  ; and  on 
that  issue  Mr.  Clay  was  defeated,  and  the  Whig  party 
lost  the  position  it  nominally  held.  In  1848  the  Whigs 
nominated  and  elected  President  Zachary  Taylor,  a 
popular  general  in  the  Mexican  wrar.  The  slavery 
question  was  now  constantly  intruding  itself,  and 
both  parties  were  trying  to  avoid  its  difficulties.  Mr. 
Clay,  on  May  9,  1850,  brought  forward  a series  of  com- 
promises known  as  the  Omnibus  Bill,  of  which  the 


concessions  made  to  Texas,  the  admission  of  Cali- 
fornia as  a free  State,  and  a more  stringent  Fugi- 
tive-slave Law,  were  the  chief  features.  During  its 
consideration  Gen.  Taylor  died;  and  Millard  Fillmore 
became  President,  July  9,  1850.  The  bill  was  passed 
complete  Sept.  18,  but  did  not  satisfy  the  growing 
sentiment  against  slavery  and  the  slave-power.  There 
was  little  heart  in  the  party ; and  the  death  of  Mr. 
Clay,  June  28,  and  of  Mr.  Webster,  Oct.  24,  1852, 
tended  still  further  to  its  decline.  In  1852  it  put  for- 
ward Gen.  Winfield  Scott  as  its  candidate,  but  not 
even  his  splendid  military  reputation  could  save  it 
from  defeat.  The  slavery  issue  now  overbalanced 
all  else.  A new  party  arose,  — the  Republican,  — and 
the  Whig  party  disappeared. 

LIBERTY  PARTY,  THE,  grew  out  of  the  Anti- 
slavery Society,  and  was  more  widely  known  for  the 
persistent  agitation  of  its  adherents  than  its  numbers. 
In  1840  it  nominated  James  G.  Birney,  Secretary  of 
the  Anti-slavery  Society,  for  President,  casting  7,059 
votes,  and  again  in  1844,  when  he  received  62,300 
votes.  It  contained  such  men  as  William  Lloyd 
Garrison,  Wendell  Phillips,  Lewis  Tappan,  Gerrit 
Smith,  Samuel  Lewis,  and  Salmon  P.  Chase.  It 
merged  into  the  Free-soil  party  in  1848. 

FREE-SOIL  PARTY,  THE,  was  organized  in  Buf- 
falb,  N.Y.,  in  1848,  and  comprised  the  Liberty  party, 
the  Barnburners  (anti-slavery  Democrats  of  New 
York),  and  anti-slavery  Whigs.  Their  first  candidate 
was  Martin  Van  Buren,  but  he  received  no  electoral 
votes.  In  1852  it  nominated  John  P.  Hale,  who  met 
with  no  better  success ; and  in  1856  it  became  part  of 
the  Republican  party. 

AMERICAN  PARTY,  THE,  more  generally  known  as 
Know-Nothings,  appeared  in  1854.  It  was  based  on  a 


widely  spread  secret  society,  and  advocated  twenty- 
one  years’  residence  as  a qualification  for  citizenship, 
and  native-born  citizens  as  office-holders.  It  swept- 
the  country  like  a tornado,  carrying  the  elections  in 
nearly  every  State.  But  it  lived  a very  short  time. 
In  1856  it  nominated  Millard  Fillmore  for  President; 
but  the  slavery  question  took  precedence  of  every  thing 
else,  and  he  received  only  874,534  votes ; after  which 
the  party  disappeared. 

CONSTITUTIONAL  UNION  PARTY,  THE,  con- 
sisted of  moderate  Southerners  and  some  Webster 
Whigs.  It  claimed  for  its  platform  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States  and  the  enforcement  of  the  laws.  At 
its  convention,  held  May,  1860,  it  nominated  John  Bell 
for  President,  and  Edward  Everett  for  Vice-President. 
They  received  only  thirty-nine  electoral  votes ; and  the 
outbreak  of  the  war  saw  the  end  of  the  organization, 
which  was  mildly  pro-slavery  in  its  tendency. 

REPUBLICAN  PARTY,  THE,  was  organized  during 
the  administration  of  Mr.  Pierce,  1853-57.  Its  plat- 
form rested  mainly  on  the  prohibition  of  slavery  in 
the  Territories,  declaring  that  freedom  was  the  public 
law  of  the  national  domain  ; the  prohibition  of  polyg- 
amy, which  it  classed  with  slavery  as  “ the  twin  relic 
of  barbarism  ; ” and  the  admission  of  Kansas  as  a free 
State.  In  1856  the  party  was  in  good  working-order, 
and  fairly  divided  the  country  with  its  Democratic 
competitor.  In  June  of  this  year  its  convention  met 
at  Philadelphia,  and  nominated  John  C.  Fremont  for 
President.  But  the  American  party  drew  something 
from  its  strength,  and,  though  showing  a popular  vote 
of  1,341,264,  it  was  defeated;  the  slave  States,  with 
the  exception  of  Maryland,  which  voted  for  Mr.  Fill- 
more, going  solidly  for  All*.  Buchanan,  the  Democratic 
candidate,  who  was  elected  with  the  aid  of  five  free 
States,  eleven  of  the  latter  voting  for  Gen.  Fremont. 


Iii  1860  the  Republicans  elected  Abraham  Lincoln 
President.  The  sectional  issue  was  still  more  strongly 
marked ; and  he  received  the  electoral  votes  of  all  the 
free  States  except  those  of  New  Jersey,  which  were 
given  to  Mr.  Douglas.  On  the  announcement  of  his 
election,  the  Southern  States  prepared  to  secede  ; South 
Carolina  leading,  followed  by  ten  others.  Mr.  Lincoln 
was  inaugurated  March  4,  1861  (Gen.  Scott  carefully 
supervising  the  ceremony),  and  his  address  was  con- 
ciliatory but  firm.  He  asserted  that  there  was  no 
right  to  interfere  with  slavery  in  the  States  where  it 
existed,  and  acknowledged  that  of  the  reclamation  of 
fugitive  slaves;  but  he  expressed  his  determination  to 
execute  the  laws,  and  protect  public  property.  April 
12, 1861,  South  Carolina  precipitated  the  war  by  firing 
on  Fort  Sumter,  which  was  abandoned  on  the  14th ; 
and  on  the  15th  Mr.  Lincoln  made  his  first  call  for 
75,000  men.  The  cabinet  at  this  time  consisted  of  Wil- 
liam H.  Seward,  John  A.  Dix  (afterwards  succeeded 
by  Salmon  P.  Chase),  Simon  Cameron  (succeeded  by 
Edwin  M.  Stanton),  Gideon  Welles,  Caleb  B.  Smith, 
Montgomery  Blair,  and  Edward  Bates.  On  Sept.  22, 
1862,  Mr.  Lincoln  issued  his  Emancipation  Procla- 
mation, which  was  essentially  a war-measure.  The 
principles  which  it  involved  were  confirmed  by  an 
amendment  to  the  Constitution,  adopted  in  1865. 
In  1864  Mr.  Lincoln  was  unanimously  nominated  by 
the  Republicans,  and  was  re-elected  by  an  overwhelm- 
ing majority.  The  war  was  brought  to  a close  by  the 
surrender  of  Gen.  Lee,  April  9,  1865 ; and  on  the  14tli 
Mr.  Lincoln  was  assassinated,  and  died  the  next  day. 
Andrew  Johnson,  the  Vice-President,  immediately 
succeeded  him,  and  continued  his  cabinet.  Mr.  John- 
son had  been  a loyal  Union  man  of  Tennessee,  and 
was  chosen  in  view  of  the  reconstruction  of  the  South. 
He  soon  disagreed  with  the  party,  and  came  into 
actual  conflict  with  Congress.  He  was  impeached 


March  23,  1868,  but  acquitted  May  16  and  26  for  lack 
of  one  of  two-tliirds  for  conviction.  Chief-Justice 
Chase  presided  at  this  trial.  In  1868  Ulysses  S. 
Grant  was  elected  President.  His  election  was  urged 
on  the  ground  that  the  Republican  party,  having  suc- 
cessfully finished  the  war,  maintained  public  credit, 
abolished  slavery,  and  secured  liberty,  was  the  proper 
one  to  carry  on  the  government.  In  May,  1872,  the 
Liberal  Republicans  met  in  Cincinnati,  and  nominated 
Horace  Greeley ; which  action  was  indorsed  by  the 
Democratic  convention.  The  Republicans  nominated 
Gen.  Grant,  and  re-elected  him  by  a larger  vote  than 
that  of  the  former  term.  In  1876  Rutherford  B. 
Hayes,  by  the  decision  of  the  Presidential  Electoral 
Commission  (q.  v.),  was  declared  elected.  It  was 
during  this  administration  that  the  resumption  of 
specie  payments  took  place,  Jan.  1,  1879;  and  the  re- 
construction of  the  South  went  forward  smoothly.  In 
1880  James  A.  Garfield  was  elected  President,  and 
died  Sept.  19, 1881,  from  wounds  inflicted  July  2 ; and 
Chester  A.  Arthur,  the  Vice-President,  took  his  place. 

ANTI-MASONIC  PARTY.  — In  1826  William  Mor- 
gan, who  was  preparing  a revelation  of  the  secrets  of 
Freemasonry,  suddenly  disappeared.  It  was  rumored 
that  he  had  been  foully  dealt  with  by  members  of  the 
order;  and  intense  excitement  was  the  result,  followed 
by  the  establishment  of  a political  party  based  on 
opposition  to  the  order.  It  cast  in  New  York,  in 
1828, 30,000  votes  ; in  1829,  70,000  ; and  about  128,000 
in  1832.  In  1832  it  nominated  William  Wirt  for 
President,  but  only  carried  one  State,  — Vermont.  In 
1835  it  elected  Joseph  Ritner  governor  of  Pennsyl- 
vania. The  excitement  gradually  died  out,  and  the 
party  disappeared.  William  H.  Seward  owed  his 
start  in  political  life  to  this  party,  which  sent  him  to 
the  New-York  Senate  in  1830. 


PROHIBITION  PARTY.  — This  party  arose  in 
Maine,  where,  in  1851,  Neal  Dow  procured  the  pas- 
sage of  a law  to  prohibit  the  sale  of  intoxicating 
liquors  as  a beverage.  In  1880-81  Kansas  did  the 
same,  and  the  party  has  considerable  following  in  the 
North-western  States.  Its  votes  for  President  in  1872 
were  5,608,  James  Black  being  its  candidate  ; and  in 
1876  it  cast  9,223  for  G.  C.  Smith.  Its  work  has 
been  chiefly  directed  to  State  reform,  and- its  national 
influence  has  not  yet  been  developed. 

GREENBACK  PARTY,  THE,  called  by  its  members 
the  Independent  National,  was  organized  in  1876,  and 
was  the  outgrowth  of  the  Granger  and  Labor  Reform 
movements.  Its  convention  at  Indianapolis  in  May, 
1876,  “ demanded  the  unconditional  repeal  of  the 
Specie  Resumption  Act  of  Jan.  14,  1875;  ” urged  the 
issue  of  United-States  notes  as  a circulating  medium, 
and  the  suppression  of  bank  paper;  and  protested 
against  the  further  issue  of  gold  bonds,  and  the  pur- 
chase of  silver  to  replace  the  fractional  currency. 
Peter  Cooper  was  nominated  for  President,  and  re- 
ceived 81,740  votes.  In  1880  its  candidate  was  James 
B.  Weaver,  who  received  307,306.  It  has  never  gained 
any  electoral  votes. 


17 


THE  GREAT  ISSUE. 


Constant  Hardpan  of  Pittsburg,  Penn.,  seeks  an  interview 
with  the  chiefs  at  Augusta  and  Albany  to  know  the  effect 
of  their  respective  tariff-views  on  laboring-men. 


Augusta,  Sept.,  1884. 

L.  M.  — Good-morning,  Mr.  B . I am  a labor- 

ing-man from  Pittsburg.  My  name  is  Hardpan,  and 
I came  all  the  way  to  Augusta  to  learn  your  views 
about  the  effects  of  your  proposed  tariff  policy  on  the 
laboring-men. 

J.  G.  B.  — Have  you  read  my  letter?  That  tells 
all  about  it. 

L.  M.  — Yes,  I know  that  tells  a great  deal ; but 
there  are  a few  things  that  I would  like  some  further 
light  upon. 

./.  G.  B.  — Very  well,  sir : I will  make  it  all  clear 
to  you. 

L.  M.  — First,  we  laborers  want  work ; and,  secondly, 
we  want  fair  pay  for  it.  Now,  how  can  we  be  guar- 
anteed by  your  policy,  — fair  pay,  and  steady  work  ? 

J.  G.  B.  — Protection,  sir,  is  the  only  thing  that  we 
need  to  secure  you  what  you  desire.  If  we  make 
manufacturing  profitable,  business  will  be  good ; and 
you  need  give  yourself  no  concern  about  work  and 
wages. 

L.  M.  — Have  we  not  been  amply  protected  for  the 
last  twenty  years  ? 

J.  G.  B.  — Certainly ! certainly ! See  how  we  have 


prospered!  This  country  has  increased  thirty  billions 
in  wealth,  in  about  twenty  years,  — all  because  of 
protection. 

L.  M.  — Has  not  the  richness  of  the  soil,  which  has 
been  given  free,  and  been  developed,  had  something 
to  do  with  it  ? 

J.  G.  B.  — Our  manufacturing  interests  are  what 
have  made  farming  profitable,  — nothing  else. 

L.  M.  — Has  not  the  increase  of  population  had 
much  to  do  with  our  increased  wealth? 

J.  G.  B.  — Yes ; but  it  is  work  and  wages  that 
have  brought  the  people  hither,  which  have  made  the 
wealth. 

L.  M.  — Have  there  been  more  children  born  be- 
cause of  protection  ? Much  of  our  increase  has  come 
from  that  source.  * 

J.  G.  B.  — Indeed  it  has ! If  young  men  can  earn 
good  pay,  they  are  encouraged  to  marry.  The  better 
the  business,  the  more  population  ; and,  the  more  popu- 
lation, the  better  the  business. 

L.  M.  — On  this  theory,  you  would  encourage  the 
Chinese  to  come  ? 

J.  G.  B.  — We  would  in  theory;  but  in  policy  we 
would  have  to  regard  our  brethren  on  the  Pacific 
slope,  who  are  prejudiced  against  this  people. 

L.  M.  — Admitting  the  general  prosperity  of  the 
country,  admitting  that  there  is  more  wealth  in  pro- 
portion to  the  population,  yet  many  a man  seems  to 
be  like  me,  — to  have  gone  through  all  this  pros- 
perity, and  not  laid  up  a dollar.  While  the  rich  in 
our  city  have  grown  very  much  richer,  the  poor  seem 
more  wretched  in  their  condition. 

J.  G.  B.  — Well,  I’ll  tell  you  how  that  is.  Some 
men  get  into  the  wrong  business,  and  this  is  the  cause 
of  failure.  AYhat  is  your  business  ? 

L.  M.  — I did  work  in  a rolling-mill,  but  was 
turned  out  of  work  two  months  ago. 


J.  G.  B.  — Perhaps  the  iron-men  need  a little  more 
protection. 

L.  M.  — Our  boss  told  me  that  we  needed  a mar- 
ket for  our  goods  more  than  protection. 

J.  G.  B.  — What  makes  trade  dull,  in  his  opinion  ? 

L.  M.  — Our  selling-agent  says  that  competition  is 
so  strong  at  home,  that  there  is  not  any  sight  for  work 
unless  we  accept  wages  that  no  American  can  live 
upon. 

J.  G.  B.  — I think  it  would  be  well,  when  the  mar- 
ket is  overstocked,  to  shut  down  for  a while. 

L.  M.  — Our  firm  suggested  it : but  Mr.  Jones, 
another  manufacturer,  got  some  cheap  foreign  labor, 
and  was  getting  the  market ; so  our  firm  had  to  do  the 
same  thing,  in  order  to  compete. 

J.  G.  B*.  — This  is  another  argument  against  the 
Democrats,  who  would  reduce  you  to  the  level  of  the 
pauper  labor  of  Europe. 

L.  M.  — I fear  most  the  pauper  labor  in  this  coun- 
try. 

J.  G.  B.  — Why  do  you  not  get  a job  at  something 
else  ? I fear  the  iron  business  is  overdone. 

L.  M.  — I have  tried  at  every  factory  between  here 
and  Pittsburg,  and  I find  wages  and  work  are  on  the 
decline  in  all  of  them. 

J.  G.  B.  — Did  you  try  in  other  than  iron-mills? 

L.  M.  — You  bet  I did!  I thought  I should  like 
shoemaking,  but  I found  out  in  Lynn  that  they  did 
not  average  more  than  six  months’  work  in  a year.  I 
tried  to  get  work  in  a woollen-mill  here  in  Maine,  but 
they  said  things  wrere  growing  worse  and  worse. 
They  say  you  propose  to  raise  the  tariff  on  wool, 
which  may  close  them  up  entirely. 

J.  G.  B.  — That  wool-plank  was  only  put  in  the 
platform  to  patch  up  things  in  Ohio.  We  really  do 
not  mean  any  harm  to  the  manufacturers. 


L.  M.  — To  come  to  the  point  again,  I can’t  see 
how  protection  guarantees  work  or  wages. 

J.  G.  B.  — Now,  the  real  difficulty  is,  people  will 
not  buy  when  they  already  have  enough.  So  no 
party  can  guarantee  steady  employment. 

L.  M.  — I don’t  find  any  that  have  enough,  but  I 
find  lots  that  ha’n’t  got  money  to  buy  with. 

J.  G.  B.  — Let  me  proceed.  There  is  a pernicious 
principle  established  by  free-traders,  which  is,  that 
demand  regulates  price.  Now,  if  it  were  not  for  that 
principle,  we  could  guarantee  high  wages  all  the  time. 
Now,  if  we  have  work  for  only  fifty  men,  and  there 
are  fifty  more  out  of  work,  they  will  offer  to  work 
cheaper ; and  that  is  what  carries  prices  down.  Now, 
these  men  that  offer  to  work  for  less  are  free-traders 
because  they  act  on  that  principle. 

L.  M.  — Well,  my  difficulty  is  not  removed.  Even 
if  I get  work  at  the  reduced  prices,  I shall  be  unable 
to  give  my  children  an  education.  In  fact,  they  have 
got  to  begin  to  work  when  far  too  young  in  order  to 
dress  decently  and  live  comfortably,  — say  nothing  of 
the  luxuries  that  they  can  see  around  them  constantly. 

G.  B.  — Now,  you  are  a Republican,  I take  it. 

L.  M.  — Yes,  sir  : I always  have  been. 

./.  G.  B.  — Do  not  be  discouraged.  I have  a grand 
scheme  in  my  mind  for  laboring-men,  into  which  I 
shall  enter  after  election  ; and  I do  not  feel  that  I 
shall  prove  a deadhead  in  the  enterprise  if  I once 
embark  in  it.  I see  various  channels  in  which  I know 
I can  be  useful. 

L.  M.  — Things  have  grown  worse  so  fast,  that  I 
feared  that  there  might  be  something  wrong  in  your 
tariff  system. 

./.  G.  B.  — You  had  better  be  thinking  how  much 
worse  Democratic  free  trade  would  be. 

L.  M.  — They  say  they  would  bring  it  about  gradu- 
ally. Now,  how  long  would  it  take? 


J.  G.  B.  — It  will  not  do  for  us  to  talk  that  way. 
We  must  represent  to  the  people  that  all  the  evil  pos- 
sibilities of  fifty  years  to  come  will  be  heaped  upon 
them  at  once  if  the  administration  should  change. 

L.  M.  — Is  that  a fair  representation  ? 

J.  G.  B.  — Should  we  let  the  people  know  that  they 
did  not  propose  to  take  all  duties  off  at  once,  it  would 
rob  the  present  campaign  of  all  its  enthusiasm. 

L.  M.  — Just  what  is  your  system  of  changing  the 
'tariff? 

J.  G.  B.  — Very  simple.  Let  the  manufacturers 
get  together,  and  tell  wrhat  they  want : then  give  it  to 
them. 

L.  M.  — Well,  don’t  their  interests  often  conflict? 

J.  G.  B.  — Yes,  but  we  let  them  fight  it  out  among 
themselves. 

L.  M.  — Is  there  not  some  injustice  done  by  the 
stronger  having  more  influence  than  the  weaker  ? 

J.  G.  B.  — Certainly,  but  that  cannot  be  helped. 
We  advise  them  all  to  grow  stronger. 

L.  M.  — Aren’t  many  protected  who  don’t  need 
any  protection,  making  them  simply  a monopoly? 

J.  G.  B.  — Ye»;  and  this  is  a very  large  class. 
They  must  be  protected,  however ; for,  if  they  are  not, 
they  threaten  to  become  free-traders,  and  cut  every- 
body else  off  from  protection.  This  is  a very  valua- 
ble class,  for  they  are  exceedingly  liberal  in  campaign 
contributions.  Please  excuse  me  from  a further  in- 
terview. 

L.  M.  — Just  one  more.  What  shall  I answer  when 
Democrats  say  that  the  present  depression  is  the  re- 
sult of  protection  ? 

J.  G.  B.  — Tell  them  it’s  the  Morrison  bill. 

L.  M.  — But  how  can  I make  it  appear  that  manu- 
facturers expected  Morrison,  who  could  not  pass  it  in 
a Democratic  House,  was  going  to  pass  it  over  a 
Republican  Senate  and  a Republican  President  ? 


G.  B.  — Tell  them  we  are  intensely  American, 
and  this  is  but  the  natural  tide  of  indignation  from 
a people  who  wish  to  show  a proper  resentment  to  a 
British  free-trade  measure.  Good-morning. 

L.  M.  — I guess  I’ll  go  to  Albany. 


Albany,  Sept.,  1884. 

L.  M.  — Good-evening,  Mr.  C . I am  a labor- 

ing-man from  Pittsburg.  I just  came  to  Albany  by 
way  of  Augusta.  I am  an  honest,  hard-working  man, 
and  have  a wife  and  four  small  children.  I have  been 
out  of  work  for  the  last  two  months ; and,  were  it  not 
for  a little  money  just  received  by  my  wife  from  the 
legacy  of  a friend,  I should  have  to  let  my  children 
become  paupers.  Now,  I am  a Republican,  and  have 
usually  got  all  my  information  from  Republican 
sources.  I have  been  told  again  and  again  that  the 
laboring-man  was  protected  by  the  Republican  tariff. 
I have  been  told  that  the  Democrats  were  British 
free-traders,  and  would  have  all  the  laboring-men  on 
a level  with  the  pauper  labor  of  Europe.  I lost  my 
job  two  months  ago  because  a pauper  laborer  from 
Europe  came  to  my  employer,  and  offered  to  work  for 
less  than  what  I could  afford  to ; he  having  no  wife 
and  children  to  support.  This  event  has  set  me  to 
thinking ; and  I thought  I would  not  depend  on  cam- 
paign  papers  any  longer  for  information,  but  go  direct 
to  the  fountain-head.  Now,  are  you  willing  to  show 
me  what  the  Democratic  policy  proposes  to  do  for 
the  laboring-men  ? 

G.  C.  — Please  walk  into  the  parlor,  as  it  is  getting 
a little  cool  on  the  piazza,  and  I will  give  you  any 
information  you  seek,  within  my  power. 

L.  M.  — What  do  you  mean  by  tariff  reform  ? 

G.  C.  — We  mean  by  tariff  reform  to  so  change 
the  present  tariff  that  an  unnecessary  surplus  of  one 
hundred  millions  shall  no  longer  burden  the  people. 


L.  M.  — How  much  revenue  do  we  now  raise,  and 
how  much  would  be  necessary  ? 

G.  C.  — We  raise  about  four  hundred  million^  now, 
while  three  hundred  millions  would  be  sufficient  for 
the  economical  administration  of  the  government. 

L.  M.  — Would  three  hundred  millions  be  sufficient 
to  pay  the  debt  as  fast  as  it  becomes  due  ? 

G.  C.  — Certainly,  and  pay  liberally  all  govern- 
ment employes  and  pensioners. 

L.  M.  — Why  do  any  favor  raising  this  surplus  ? 

G.  C.  — There  are  several  reasons  given ; but  osten- 
sibly it  is  to  maintain  corrupt  schemes,  such  as  Credit 
Mobilier  and  Star-route  contracts,  which  prove  to  be 
sources  of  great  campaign  funds. 

L.  M.  — Is  the  surplus  the  only  thing  wrong  about 
the  tariff  ? 

G.  C.  — By  no  means.  The  present  tariff  discrimi- 
nates in  favor  of  some,  and  against  others. 

L.  M.  — Does  it  hurt  any  manufacturers? 

G.  C.  — Certainly.  The  raw  materials  and  operating 
machinery  of  some  are  so  highly  taxed,  that  it  more 
than  balances  the  protection  they  get,  thus  rendering 
them  unable  to  compete  with  foreigners,  who  do  not 
have  to  pay  a duty  on  raw  materials  and  operating- 
machinery. 

L.  M. — Why  is  it  that  some  manufacturers  get 
these  great  advantages,  while  others  are  injured? 

G.  C.  — I do  not  know  : we  can  only  think.  We 
do  know,  however,  that  certain  rich  corporations  are 
always  represented  in  the  lobbies  of  Congress,  and 
always  subscribe  liberally  to  the  Republican  campaign 
fund. 

L.  M.  — Is  there  any  evidence  to  be  drawn  from 
the  general  prosperity  of  the  country  to  show  the 
present  tariff  unjust? 

G.  C.  — Yes,  there  are  many  evidences.  I will  only 
mention  a few.  While  our  country  has  increased  in 


wealth  thirty  billions  in  about  twenty  years,  our 
poorer  classes  have  not  received  their  share,  but  have 
actually  grown  poorer.  The  poverty  of  to-day  is  not 
only  more  common  than  twenty  years  ago,  but  more 
terrible  in  its  sufferings,  and  more  degraded  in  its 
character.  To  prove  this,  you  have  only  to  visit  any 
large  city. 

L.  M.  — I know  it  is  so  in  Pittsburg.  The  poor 
have  been  growing  poorer,  the  rich  very  much  richer, 
and  paupers  more  plenty  and  more  degraded.  This 
state  of  things  has  been  very  noticeable  within  the 
last  three  years,  even  in  all  the  iron-districts  that  I 
have  visited. 

G.  C.  — Then,  again,  we  can  see  the  inequality  of 
the  present  tariff  by  comparing  it  with  what  an  equal 
share  would  be  if  the  tax  were  direct.  Now,  if  we 
allow  that  you  pay  an  average  tax,  with  a family  of 
six  it  ought  not  to  be  but  thirty  dollars  annually. 

L.  M.  — How  do  you  get  at  that? 

G.  C.  — Three  hundred  millions  tax,  divided  among 
sixty  millions  of  people,  makes  but  five  dollars  each. 

L.  M.  — I see : if  rich  and  poor  all  paid  alike,  it 
would  be  only  thirty  dollars  then  for  a family  of  six. 
How  much  does  a family  like  mine  pay  now? 

G.  C.  — If  you  live  economically,  and  cut  out  most 
every  luxury,  and  have  only  those  comforts  that  should 
be  denied  no  laboring-man,  you  pay,  according  to  the 
lowest  estimate,  a hundred  dollars  annually  because  of 
the  tariff. 

L-  M.  — How  can  that  be  if  the  government  re- 
ceives but  about  four  hundred  millions  at  the  most? 

G.  C.  — The  government  revenues  do  not  represent 
the  amount  of  tax  the  people  pay  because  of  the  tariff. 

L . M.  — Now,  my  just  share  of  the  burden — if  I 
pay  as  much  as  Vanderbilt  — is  but  thirty  dollars ; and 
yet  you  say  I pay  a hundred  dollars.  Now,  where 
does  the  other  seventy  dollars  go  to  ? 


G.  C.  — Every  thing  your  family  eats  and  wears,  — 
yes,  and  the  house  you  live  in,  — is  higher  because  of 
the  tariff.  Take,  for  instance,  the  article  of  rice. 
Now,  the  tariff  is  two  and  a half  cents  per  pound. 
Now,  if  three-fourths  of  what  is  used  in  this  country  is 
raised  here,  then  the  government  revenue  would  rep- 
resent but  one-fourth  of  what  the  people  pay.  While 
we  pay  one-fourth  to  the  government,  we  should  pay 
the  other  three-fourths  to  the  rice-growers  and  rice- 
speculators,  who  advance  the  price  two  and  a half 
cents  because  of  the  tariff.  You  may  never  wear  a 
yard  of  foreign-made  cloth,  yet  every  coat  you  buy  is 
much  higher  because  of  the  tariff.  In  regard  to  your 
clothing,  all  the  extra  you  pay  may  be  a bounty  to  the 
wool-growers  and  manufacturers,  while  none  goes  as  a 
tax  to  the  government. 

L.  M.  — Why  not  abolish  such  a tariff  which  works 
such  manifest  in j ustice  ? 

G.  C.  — We  do  not  propose  to  abolish  the  revenue 
system,  but  reform  it  so  as  to  make  the  burden  rest  as 
near  equal  and  as  lightly  as  possible. 

L.  M.  — Then,  you  believe  in  some  protection? 

G.  C.  — We  believe  in  the  fullest  protection.  We 
believe  in  a protection  that  protects  all  and  every 
class  alike.  We  do  not  believe  in  privileged  classes, 
nor  in  special  legislation  designed  to  help  the  few  to 
the  injury  of  the  many. 

L.  M. — How  much  protective  tariff  do  we  need? 

G.  C. — We  must  raise  annually  three  hundred 
millions  for  the  expenses  of  the  government.  Among 
these  expenses  is  money  for  pensions,  a burden  which 
loyal  citizens  will  ever  patiently  and  generously  bear. 

L.  M.  — Would  you  let  this  be  a means  of  pro- 
tection ? 

G.  C.  — Certainly.  This  amount  legitimately 
raised  would  serve  an  ample  protection  to  all  our 
industries  and  laborers. 


L.  M.  — What  is  the  difference,  then,  between  pro- 
tection, and  tariff  for  revenue  only  ? 

G.  C.  — There  might  be  no  practical  difference  if 
both  parties  were  agreed  as  to  the  amount  to  be  raised, 
and  were  both  seeking  to  treat  the  whole  people  equal- 
ly fair.  The  difference  may  be  very  great,  because  a 
strictly  protective  tariff  seeks  first  to  benefit  special 
interests  regardless  of  the  many,  which  may  or  may 
not  be  benefited;  while  a strictly  revenue  tariff  seeks 
first  the  general  good,  and  is  sure  to  benefit  the  many, 
and  will  not  harm  any  legitimate  enterprise,  which  is 
adapted  to  the  country. 

L.  M.  — What  is  the  basis  of  fixing  or  changing 
the  tariff  according  to  a protective  system  ? 

G.  C.  — They  have  no  basis,  and  this  is  the  reason 
of  so  much  injustice.  One  industry  having  great 
influence  in  Congress,  may  get  sufficient  favors  to 
create  a monopoly ; while  others  are  greatly  in j ured 
thereby. 

L.  M.  — I learned  this  by  applying  to  a woollen-mill 
for  work  a few  days  since.  They  told  me  that  the 
wool-growers  had  been  injured  by  the  last  tariff,  and 
the  Republicans  had  promised  to  change  it,  which 
would  certainly  injure  the  manufacturers,  and  prob- 
ably close  up  every  mill  in  the  country  for  a time : 
therefore  they  would  give  me  no  encouragement  to 
wait  for  a job. 

G.  C.  — Yes  : injury  will  follow  certainly  by  being 
guided  by  private  interests.  If  the  woollen-mills  close, 
there  will  be  less  demand  for  wool,  which  will  carry 
the  price  still  lower;  for  demand  is  what  regulates 
price. 

L.  M.  — I can  see  that.  The  farmer  will  be  in- 
jured rather  than  benefited  by  such  a move.  Now, 
this  is  a free  country ; and,  if  one  thing  receives  more 
advantage  than  another  by  protection,  why  don’t  every- 
body go  into  the  business  most  favored  ? 


G.  C.  — They  could  go  into  many  kinds  of  business, 
but  it  would  cost  a great  sum  to  buy  a coal-mine  or 
iron-mine  as  long  as  they  are  highly  protected. 

L.  M.  — Well,  but  could  they  not  go  into  many 
kinds  of  manufacturing? 

G.  C.  — Most  certainly;  and  this  is  a great  injury 
to  laboring-men.  When  a business  becomes  very 
profitable,  too  many  go  into  it. 

L.  M.  — Don’t  it  hurt  the  capitalist  as  much  as  the 
laboring-man  ? 

G.  C.  — Well,  let  us  see.  A highly  protected  screw- 
company  in  Rhode  Island  once  paid  a dividend  of 
twelve  per  cent  a month,  or  at  the  rate  of  one  hundred 
^and  forty-four  per  cent  a year.  Now,  who  could  best 
stand  a shut-down  of  six  months  a year,  — the  capital- 
ist, or  the  laboring-man  ? If  it  run  one  month,  the 
capitalist  could  get  along  on  twelve  per  cent  quite 
comfortably ; but  could  a laboring-man  get  along  with 
one  month’s  pay  in  a year  ? 

L.  M.  — Well,  that  is  an  eye-opener  ! I can  testify 
to  the  fact  that  the  most  highly  protected  industries 
have  so  overdone  business  that  they  are  closed  up 
much  of  the  year.  They  have  cut  down  my  pay  three 
times  within  the  last  two  years,  and  the  last  year  I 
have  not  had  work  half  of  the  time.  My  idleness 
has  also  been  a curse  to  me  as  a breeder  of  vices.  I 
should  have  been  ten  times  as  well  off  to-day,  had  I 
gone  West,  and  taken  up  land.  I noticed,  while  read- 
ing an  official  report,  that  the  unprotected  farmer  pays 
his  help  more  on  an  average  than  the  most  highly 
protected  industry.  Now,  I have  been  taught  to  fear 
the  Democratic  doctrine,  because  it  was  called  British 
free  trade.  What  is  your  method  of  adjusting  the 
tariff  ? 

G.  C.  — We  have  a regular  system  that  should  ope- 
rate regardless  of  outside  influence.  First,  as  soon  as 
possible,  make  all  raw  material  free.  This  would 


help  the  manufacturer  to  make  a cheaper  product, 
and  still  pay  higher  wages.  It  would  give  him  a 
wider  market,  making  a greater  demand  for  raw 
material,  which  would  keep  the  price  reasonably  high 
and  firm;  and  this  increase  of  business  would  give 
the  laborer  more  employment. 

L.  M.  — If  you  begun  that  way,  it  would  also  lower 
the  cost  of  living.  Now,  coal  would  be  raw  material ; 
but  I understand  Mr.  Blaine  owns  a great  amount  in 
coal-mines  in  Western  Pennsylvania,  and  would 
object  to  this  method. 

G.  C.  — We  do  not  look  at  private  interests  when 
we  operate  in  accordance  with  a principle.  Now,  I 
will  ask  you  what  the  result  would  be  on  coal  alone 
if  the  duty  were  taken  off? 

L.  M. — I could  not  begin  to  tell.  I could  see  a 
few  effects,  however.  It  would  certainly  help  every 
poor  man  that  has  got  to  keep  his  family  warm  the 
coming  winter.  Again,  it  would  help  every  manu- 
facturer who  uses  it. 

G.  C.  — Would  it  hurt  any  one  ? 

L.  M. — Well,  the  coal-men  who  own  the  mines 
are  very  few  and  very  rich.  They  would  still  have  a 
“ Bonanza,”  but  not  quite  a monopoly. 

G.  C.  — That  is  the  idea.  Free  raw  materials 
would  help  everybody  very  much,  and  hurt  but  few 
a very  little,  if  any. 

L.  M.  — I could  go  that  much  of  free  trade,  but 
what  would  be  your  next  step  ? 

G.  C. — Well,  it  involves  the  same  principle,  and 
is  very  simple.  If  raw  materials  which  cost  little  or 
no  labor  are  free,  then  those  that  cost  the  least  labor 
should  receive  the  least  protection,  and  those  that  cost 
the  most  labor  receive  the  most  protection. 

L.  M. — Why,  a laboring-man  could  help  make  a 
tariff  if  it  were  as  simple  and  as  honest  and  as  fair  as 
that.  I think  it  would  cost  the  country  less  to  regu- 


late  the  tariff  according  to  such  a principle,  than  to 
have  no  principle  except  that  the  strongest  in  the 
lobby  shall  receive  the  greatest  consideration. 

G.  C.  — Can  you  see  any  effect  that  it  would  have 
in  your  vicinity  ? 

L.  M.  — Yes : it  would  leave  but  little  duty  on  pig- 
iron.  This  would  help  every  manufacturer  and  user 
of  iron  in  the  country;  and  our  boss  reckoned  the 
amount  of  protection  necessary  for  pig-iron  the  other 
day,  and  found  that  if  we  had  but  half  the  present 
duty  on  it,  and  paid  three  dollars  per  day  for  wages, 
we  could  beat  the  English,  even  if  they  got  their  labor 
for  nothing.  In  fact,  distance  makes  the  freight  about 
all  the  duty  we  need  on  that.  But  are  you  not  de- 
ceiving me?  Was  not  the  Morrison  bill  a free-trade 
measure  ? 

G.  C.  — AVhy  should  I deceive  you?  I have  ex- 
plained it  as  fair  as  possible. 

L.  M.  — Then,  my  friends  have  deceived  me;  for 
they  say  the  Morrison  bill  takes  off  all  duties,  and 
leaves  us  at  the  mercy  of  free-trade  England. 

G.  C.  — It  is  not  worth  while  to  talk  much  about 
the  Morrison  bill,  only  as  it  represented  the  principle 
of  tariff  reform.  The  bill  may  have  had  many  im- 
perfections; but,  as  far  as  the  principle  of  reducing 
the  tariff  was  concerned,  it  only  aimed  at  a twenty 
per  cent  reduction.  That  would  reduce  our  revenue 
but  one-fifth,  and  thus  leave  four-fifths.  Now,  all  the 
deception  your  Republican  friends  are  practising  upon 
the  laboring-men  generally,  can  be  summed  up  in  a 
nutshell.  They  are  trying  to  have  you  believe  that 
one  from  five  leaves  nothing  (5—1  = 0),  in  order  to  get 
up  a free-trade  scare.  We  believe  that  one  from  five 
leaves  four ; and  we  mean  that  we  have  lessened  the 
burdens  of  taxation  one-fifth,  at  least,  by  such  a 
measure.  Now,  which  arithmetic  can  you  best  under- 
stand ? 


L.  .1/.  — I am  sure  I should  be  willing  to  get  along 
with  four-fifths  of  my  present  burden  for  a while  to 
try  it. 

G.  C.  — Our  tariff  then  would  be  ample  protection. 
Where  wre  have  a dollar  now,  we  should  have  eighty 
cents  then.  For  example,  suppose  an  article  cost 
two  dollars  in  England,  and  the  same  article  two  dol- 
lars and  a.quarter  in  this  country.  Now,  twenty-five 
cents  would  be  all  the  tariff  necessary  for  protection. 
Now  the  Republicans  have  a dollar : the  Democrats 
propose  to  cut  it  down  to  eighty  cents.  Now,  would 
you  be  afraid  of  such  free  trade  as  that? 

L.  M.  — I am  convinced  that  my  supposed  friends 
have  been  my  deceivers.  I wonder  now  that  I ever 
believed  that  you  would  try  to  raise  three  hundred 
million  dollars  annually  without  any  revenue  tariff. 
I hope  I have  not  troubled  you  too  much,  and  desire 
your  consent  that  I tell  our  conversation  to  my  friends. 

G.  C.  — It  has  been  a pleasure  for  me  to  talk  with 
you,  because  I believe  you  to  be  sincere;  and  I am 
willing  to  go  on  record  for  what  I have  said ; and  I 
would  further  say,  that  no  tariff  reformer  proposes, 
to  reduce  the  tariff  so  that  the  tariff  will  not  more 
than  cover  the  difference  between  the  cost  of  produc- 
tion here  and  the  cost  of  pi’oduction  in  foreign  coun- 
tries, even  if  wages  are  higher  here  than  at  present. 

L . M.  — Then,  there  is  nothing  for  the  laboring- 
men  to  fear  from  tariff  reformers,  or  what  Repub- 
licans choose  to  call  Free-Trade  Democrats. 

G.  C.  — I believe  you  omitted  to  give  me  your 
name. 

L.  M.  — My  name  is  Constant  Hardpan. 


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■ 

AND  ALL  VOTERS  OF  THE 

WESTERN  & NORTH-WESTERN  STATES. 


READ,  AND  LEND  TO  YOUR  NEIGHBOR. 

Iritish  Free  Trade  ” a Delusion. 


TO  THE  FARMERS,  MECHANICS,  LABORERS, 


We  haye:jHSt  passed  through  the  terrible  strife 
of  a great  rebellion.  Vast  sums  of  money  have 
been  expended  ; great  loss  of  precious  lives  has 
been  our  lot.  The  blind  rage  and  insane  folly  of 
traitors,  rising:  up  against  the  rights  and  inter- 
ests of  free  labor  and  self-government,  have 
brought  this  upon  us.  But  in  the  trial  of  battle, 
the  right  has  triumphed.  Tho  interest  of  our 
broad  land  is  one : — tho  dignity,  prosperity, 
unity  and  lasting  success  of  Free  Labor.  We 
have  shown,  in  our  great  contest,  the  inherent 
strength  of  a free  government.  If  we  can  wisely 
. ordef  affairs,  so  that  agriculture,  inventive  skill, 
••manufactures  and  commerce  shall  thrive,  we 
shall  crown  bur  triumph  with  the  signal  blessing 
of  peaceful  prosperity,  provide  the  means  where- 
by a finer  culture  can  be  gained,  and  show  the 
world  the  glory  of  a true  Republic. 
feWe  must  adapt  ourselves  to  the  great  changes 
in  our  national  condition  and  necessities,  put 
aside  the  prejudices  of  the  past,  and  work  earn- 
estly for  a better  future. 

Wise  care  of  the  industry  of  a nation  is  a 
manifest  and  important  duty  of  Government. 

Centuries  ago,  when  Governments  were  all,  and 
popular  industry  and  manufacturing  skill  nothir^, 
save  as  servants  to  aristocratic  or  kingly  wants, 
monarchs  held  monopolies  of  trade  in  wool,  salt, 
Ac.,  Ac.,  and  granted  them  tofavorites  who  would 
pay  well  therefor.  Now  such  monopolies  and 
prohibitions  are  passing  away,  and  among  civil- 
ized nations  tho  protecting  and  fostering  of 
industry  and  skill,  not  only  as  a means  of 
revenue,  but  to  increase  wealth  and  civilization, 
is  the  prevalent  policy. 

We  hear  much  said  about  “ fret  trade.”  To 
4 those  who  look  slightly  or  partially  at  this  sub- 
ject, there  is  magic  in  the  words;  they  aro 
2 associated  with  ideas  of  reform  and  popular  good. 
* Looseness  in  the  use  of  terms  on  this  matter 
, makes  great  mischief.  Absolute  free  trado,  the 
removal  of  all  custom  duties,  as  tho  world  is, 
would  pauperize  tho  richest  nation  in  half  a 
generation.  Too  much  leaning  that  way  is 
disastrous.  Qualified  Free  Trade , the  impo- 


sition of  dutiefe  for  revenue  on  articles  not  pro- 
duced at  homo,  or  that  do  not  compete  with  home 
products,  and  the  free  admission  of  such  articles 
as  are  specially  needed.  Qualified  Protection 
to  such  branches  of  industry  as  need  it ; the 
adjustment  of  duties  to  protect  home  industry 
as  well  as  for  revenue. 

Such  is  the  present  policy  of  the  most  prosper- 
ous nations.  With  wars  banished,  and  free  trade 
reciprocal  all  the  world  over,  the  question  might 
assume  a different  aspect. 

A large  revenue  is  now  a necessity  to  us. 
Home  taxes  and 'tariff  are  in  operation . 

Is  it  not  plain  that  duties  should  bo  sp  fixed  as 
to  protect  home  industry? 

This  loose  talk  about  free  trade,  delusive  and 
dangerous  as  used,  has  its  origin,  as  we  shall  see, 
from  foreign  self-interest. 

It  is  largely  a cry  raised  by  British  capital- 
ists and  manufacturers , to  unsettle  our  policy, 
and  that  of  the  world , that  they  may  reap  the 
benefit , by  making  England  the  workshop  for 
the  world , and  her  ships  and  traders  the  carriers 
of  raw  material  and  finished  products  to  and 
from  her  workshops — a cry  of  those  who  would 
monopolize , but  not  reciprocate. 

During  our  civil  war  just  closed,  all  will 
remember  how  the  majority  of  the  trading  and 
manufacturing  classes  in  England,  and  tho  tory 
aristocracy,  sympathized  with  rebellion  here. 
The  falsehoods  of  the  London  Times , the  sneers 
of  lesser  journals,  the  fitting  out  of  Alabamas, 
escaping  from  their  docks  through  the  feeble 
meshes  of  “British  neutrality,”  to  prey  upon 
our  commerce,  are  all  fresh  in  every  mind. 

Without  casting  any  reflection  on  the  conduct 
or  feeling  of  the  English  people,  the  conduct  of 
these  classes  is  palpable  enough. 

And  now  efforts  are  being  made  by  these  men 
to  induce  us  to  adopt  what  they  call  the  “ free 
trade  system!  - ■•»»  -fb^**** 

The  following  extract  from  a letter  from  osir 
American  Consul  in  Liverpool,  England,  received, 
in  Washington  May  18th,  is  a timely  and  needed 
warning : 


2 


“ Great  efforts  will  now  be  made  by  English 
capitalists  and  manufacturers  to  induce  us  to 
reduce  our  tariff,  and  permit  them  to  do  all  our 
manufacturing  ; they  are  beginning  to  stir  this 
matter  already.  Our  warm  personal  friends  will 
be  put  forward  to  move  the  matter,  such  men  as 
John  Bright,  Goldwin  Smith,  and  others,  who 
have. stood  by  us  through  this  war.  I have  seen 
decisive  evidence  of  this  purpose  here.  Person- 
ally we  owe  them  very  much,  but  we  may  fright- 
fully abominate  their  free  trade  principles.  ” 

“ They  will  struggle  hard  to  break  - down  our 
tariff.5  5 

“ There  will  be  a terrible  pressure  put  on  the 
Government. 55 


While  urging  free  trade  upon  the  world,  Eng- 
land has  always  jealously  protected  her  manu- 
factures and  does  to  this  day. 

2n  a speech  in  the  House  of  Lords,  Lord 
Goderich  said : “ Other  nations  knew,  as  well 

as  the  noble  lord  opposite,  and  those  who  acted 
with  him,  that  what  we  (the  English)  meant  by 
free  trade,  was  nothing  more  nor  less  than,  by 
means  of  the  great  advantages  we  enjoyed,  to 
get  the  monopoly  of  all  their  markets  for  our 
manufactures,  and  to  prevent  them,  one  and  all, 
from  ever  becoming  manufacturing  nations.” 

“ The  policy  that  France  acted  on  was  that  of 
encouraging  its  native  manufactures,  and  it  was 
a wise  policy ; because,  if  it  were  freely  to  admit 
our  manufactures,  it  would  speedily  be  reduced 
to  an  agricultural-  nation,  and  therefore  a poor 
nation,  as  all  must  be  that  depend  exclusively  on 
agriculture.”, 

So  we  learn  from  this  precious  revelation,  that 
British  free  trade  ” really  means  the 

MONOPOLY  OF  ALL  MARKETS,  AND  THE  BREAKING 
DOWN  OF  ALL  MANUFACTURES,  4 EXCEPT  THEIR 

OWN.,  'This  English  nobleman. has  at  least  the 
merit  of  frankness. 

Within  a few  years,  having 'made 'some  modi-' 
ncations  of  her  tariff,  she  proclaims  herself  the 
triumphant  examplar  and  disinterested  champion 
of  free  trade.* 

■d  commenced  any  change  of  note  in 

British  policy  on  this  question/  A , Committee 
was  then  chosen,  with  J oseph  Hume  as  chairman, 

L ™ ln(iuir0  into  the  several  duties  levied  on 
imports.5  . How  likely  he  would  be  to  inaugurate 
tree  trade,  - may  be  judged  from  M3  wish,  ex- 
pressed in  Parliament  years  before,  that  “the 
manufactures  of  the  Continent  might  be  strangled 
in  their  cradle.”^  This  committee’s  report  said, 
*he  tariff  presents  neither  t congruity  nor 
unity  of  purpose  ; no . general  principles  seem  to 
have  been  applied.” 

Id  1842  the  famed  tariff  of  Sir' Robert"  Peel 
was  enacted.  Was  it  free  trade?  Let  Mr 
Gladstone,  Chancellor  of  the  English  Exchequer 
answer:  “ It  was  an  attempt  to  make  a general 
approach  to  the  following  rules  : First,  the 
removal  of  prohibitions  ; secondly , the  reduction 
ot  duties  on  manufactured  articles  and  protective 
duties  generally,  , to  an  average  of  twenty  per 
cent,  ad  valorem ; thirdly , on  partially  manu- 
factured articles  to  rates  not  exceeding  ten  per 
cent ; fourthly , on  raw  materials  to  rates  not  over 
nvo  per  cent.” 


Simply  a reducing  to  order  of  a 
centuries  of  patchwork  acts,  a reductioi 
duties  in  view  of  the  well  known  fact,  tu 
such,  reduction , their  well  established  m 
turers  would  still  undersell  the  world 
seem  magnanimous , and  lqw  duties 
materials,  and  , articles  partly  manufj 
which ; of  course,  would  help  homemahuft 
But  Peel  himself  said,  in  his  speech  cl 
debate  on  the  bill : “I  do  not  abolish  al 
ive  duties;  on  the  contrary,  the  amen 
maintains  many  duties  that  are  purely  p 
as  distinguished  from  revenue  duties.” 

The  tariffs  of  1845  and  1846  were  si. 
their  general  tenor,  but  bf  less  conseq 
carefully  protective,  where  necessary  x 
where.no  home  interest  was  hurt  therjj 
duced  indeed  sometimes  to  benefit  homo  intq|M| 
by  giving  raw  material  cheaper  to  the  mS! 
faoturor.  , 

In  1849  came,  after  long  and  warm  debate 
the  virtual  repeal  of  the  corn  laws,  placing  th 
duty  on  grain  at  a shilling  a q iwter,  or  thre< 
cents  a bushel,  where  it  still  remains. 

The  opposition  to  corn  law  repd&l  came  fron 
the  landowners;  but  the  manufacturers  gaine< 
the  day,  for  it  was  an  imperative  necessity  t< 
them.  England  cannot  feed,  her  own  people 
the  factory  workers  must  have  bread,  or  the 
mills  must  close  ; stop  those  mills,  and  down  goe< 
the  vast  fabric  of  British  power. 

. So  the  people  had  breadstuff's  cheaper— a bless- 
ing to  them,  yet  a protection  to  the  manufac- 
turer, called  free  trade . 

No.  tariff  changes  of  moment  have  since  been 
made,  and  these  are  a slight  foundation  on  which 
to  base  the  boasted  free  trade  claim.  Taking 
twenty-two  years,  from  1838  to  1859,  and  the  total 
annual  custom  receipts  on  sixteen  leading  articles 
some  ninety-four  per  cent,  of  all  tho  duties,  varied 
/ess  than  seven  million  dollars.  This  takes  in 
five  years  before  any  change  and  six  years  after 
Gladstone’s  tariff.  Indeed,  the  duties  on  these 
articles  yearly,  from  1838  to  1841,  before  any 
change  of  tariffs  was  made,  were  $1,152,000  less 
than  from  1854  to  1859. 

When  the  British  corn  laws  were  repealed  the 
inducement  was  held  out  by  the  English,  and  the 
hope  entertained  by  our  grain  growers,  that  a 
Urge  market  would  open  there  for  our  products. 
But,  in  twelve  years  after  the  repeal  of  the 
'corn  laws,  from  1848  to  1860,  our  exports  of 
breadstuff's  to  England  had  decreased , in  pro- 
portion to,  our  population,  almost  thirty  per  cent 
even  by  English  estimate  27^  per  cent. 

During  the  same  years  the  British  imports  of 
grain  from  this  country  were  only  one-fifth  their 
imports  from  other  countries. 

Take  our  exports  of  provisions  and  breadstuff's 
to  Great  Brittiin,  and  to  all  the  Western  Hemis- 
phere, from  1846  to  1860,  and  wo  find  our 
yearly  exports  to  Great  Britain  the  least,  and  the 
demand  this  side  the  Atlantic  much  larger  the 
last  part  of  tho  time. 

The  averago  of  three  years’  oxports  of  pro- 
visions. closing  with  1860,  was,  to  Groat  Britain 
$5,792,268,  and  on  this  side  the  ocean  $9,917  838 
Our. exports. of  breadstuff's  to  Great  Britain 


3 


)r  each  of  these  same  three  years,  averaged 
,542,991  bushels  ; but  to  ports  of  our  Western 
Iemi3phere  16,034,586  bushels. 

Chicago  alone  often  sends  off  in  ten  days  more 
rain  and  four  than  England  has  taken  from 
:s  each  year , on  the  average,  for  twenty  years 
ast,  arid  the  grain  export  from  that  city  in  a 
ingle  day,  often  exceeds  what  England  has 
ought  of  us  for  a whole  year. 

In  1860,  the  total  products  of  our  soil  were 
1,860,000,000  in  value;  our  total  exports  of 
hose  products  $272,282,873,  or  but  one- 
eventh.  Taking  out  the  cotton  exports,  and 
ur  home  market  and  consumption  was  twenty 
lines' as  great  as  our  exports  to  all  foreign 
inds. 

Would  it  not  be  well  to  think  more  of  this 
Teat  home  market? 

At  a late  meeting  in  Boston  Oi  guests  of  the 
loard  of  Trade,  J.  W.  Brooks,  President  of  the 
liebigan  Cbntral  Railroad,  in  a speech,  said : 

‘.‘  And  now  I may  mention  a subject  which  has 
ften  given  me,  as  a Western  railroad  manager, 
ause  for  anxiety.  It  is  the  want  of  a more 
teady  and  reliable  market  for  the  produce  of  the 
reat  food-producing  region.  Its  power  of  pro- 
uetion  has  hardly  begun  to  be  developed,  but 
ven  now  it  is  often  without  a market  for  its 
roducts.  The  natural  buyers  of  surplus  food 
re  the  manufacturers,  and  the  great  body  of 
hese  live  too  far  away  from  us.  England  does 
ot  import  food  from  this  country  until  she  has 
xhausted  those  nearer  home,  which  usually 
upply  nearly  all  she  requires.  Sometimes  a 
hort  crop  will  bring  her  here  for  a considerable 
mount,  and  run  up  prices  so  high  as  to  stimulate 
n over  production  and  render  the  surplus  there- 
f ter  more  unwieldy  than  ever.  Estimating  the 
rowers’’  portion  of  the  price  received,  at  an 
verago  of  25  cents  per  bushel  for  corn,  and  80 
ents  for  wheat,  the  exports  of  breadstuff's  for 
he  last  18  years,  have  yielded  to  the  growers  an 
verage  of  about  thirteen  millions  of  dollars  per 
nnura,  rising  as  high  as  $34,800,000  and  falling 
s low  as  $860,000  per  annum,  some  years  more 
han  forty  times  as  great  as  others,  yielding  to 
he  nation  a maximum  of  but  a little  over  a 
ollar  per  head,  and  sometimes  falling  below 
hreo  cents.  This  outlet  is  too  insignificant  at 
cst,  and  too  unreliable  at  all  times,  for  so  im- 
portant an  interests  our  national  economy.  It 
as  not  prevented  the  price  of  corn  to  the 
armer  of  Illinois  from  falling  to  eight  cents  per 
ushel,  when  it  is  sometimes  over  eighty  cents, 
t is  not  a wise  arrangement,  of  the  world’s 
conomy  for  those  who  raiso  a surplus  of  food 
nd  those  who  havo  a deficiency  to  be  separated 
y a thousand  miles  of  land  carriage  and  three 
housand  miles  of  ocean.  Thus  situated,  it  is  no 
sender  that  the  agriculturist  and  the  manUfac- 
urer,  who  should  be  natural  allies,  meet  so 
eldom  and  to  such  small  purpose.  Who  pays 
or  this  anomalous  condition  of  things,  for  the 
ransportation  of  raw  material  and  food  from  this 
•ountry  to  the  European  manufacturer  and  a 
mrtion  of  the  product  back  again?  The  west- 
*rn  producer  makes  a large  contribution  in  the 
ower  price  and  reduced  amount  of  his  produce, 


and  the  foreign  operative  d very  large  contribu- 
tion in  wages  ; apd,  sh'amd  :to  tap  natiqns  ! long 
hours  of  childhood’s  labor,  bringing  ignorance 
and  degradation,  misery  and  want  into  hundreds 
of  thousands  of  what  ought  to  be  cheerful  and 
happy  homes.  It  is  claimed  in  England  that  her 
cheaper  labor  will  always  in’ake  it  for  our  interest 
to  employ  her  people  to  do  pur  manufacturing. 
Without  questioning  the  unselfishness  of  this 
advice,  its  soundness  may  well  be  doubted.  A 
hundred  thousand  educated,  thinking  operatives 
will  invent,  in  a short  time,  more  simplifying 
processes  to  cheapen  the  product,  than  will  equal 
the  difference  in  wages,  and  though  cheap  labor 
will  avail  of  these  inventions,  the  great  result, 
cheaper  product,  is  due  to  the  educated,  higher 
paid  labor.  Among  all  the  favors  of  which 
Rations  boast,  may  we  be  delivered  froin  that  of 
cheap  labor;  it  would  be  fatal  to  the  institutions 
of  a self-governing  people.  It  is  the  province  of 
Boards  of  Trade — those  most  useful  organiza- 
tions— to  aid  in  securing  to  our  land  tho  means 
of  most  fully  developing  its  resources.  It  is  the 
duty  of  every  well-wisher  of  his  kind  to  place 
the  hungry  where  they  can  get  food,  to  educate 
the  ignorant,  and  to  restore  men  of  all  oolors 
from  slavery  to  freedom. 

“Whenever  the  statesmen  of  the  West  shall 
feel  it  their  duty,  in  the  National  Council,  to 
promote  home  manufactures,  they  wilt  know 
where  to  find  New  England,  and  when  we  are 
all  convinced,  and  act  upon  the  principle,  that 
agriculture,  manufactures,  and  commerce  are 
natural  allies,  this  people,  who  have  had,  of 
late,  so  much  of  common  sorrow  and  of  common 
joy,  will  not  need  to  tell  the  story  of  our  common 
glory,  for  that  will  tell  its  own  to  the  nations 
of  the  whole  earth.” 

We  may  safely  estimate , to-day,  the  New 
England  market  as  worth,  to  the  western  grain 
grower,  more  than  that  of  England. 

We  import  goods  from  Europe,  the  making  of 
which  keep3  busy  a million  workers.  Could  wo 
build  up  our  home  manufactures,  we  might  draw 
a large  portion  of  them  to  this  country,  and  feed 
them  here,  greatly  to  mutual  benefit. 

Great  Britain  is  poor  in  resources  of  soil ; her 
territory  is  narrow,  her  population  crowded 
Even  taking  into  qccount  the  products  of  her 
mines,  and  manufactures  of  raw  material  pro- 
duced on  her  soil,  and  tho  yearly  balanco  against 
her  is  over  $300,000,000.  This  vast  sum  she 
must  make  up  in  some  way.  After  making 
allowance  for  her  profit  from  shipping  and  ex- 
changes, she  must,  to  maintain  her  position  and 
power,  find  yearly  market  for  her  manufactures 
to  tho  amount  of  $650,000,000  in  foreign  lands. 

To  do  this  she  is  compelled  to  gather,  so  far  as 
possible,  the  raw  materials  of  the  world,  and 
send  them  out  again  manufactured,  from  her 
workshops,  using  her  vast  capital  and  groat  skill 

TO  BREAK  DOWN  FOREIGN  COMPETITION,  AND 
KEEP  THESE  DISTANT  MARKETS,  WITHOUT 
WHICH  HKR  RUIN  COMES,  SWIFT  AND  SURE. 

A Parliament  commission,  in  1854,  in  a report 
on  the  mining  population,  spoke  of  “ immense 
losses  which  employers  incur  in  bad  times,  in 
order  to  destroy  foreign  competition,  and  to 


4 


gain  and  keep  possession  of  foreign  markets ,’  ’ and 
of  works  being  carried  on  for  this  purpose,  “ at  an 
aggregate  loss  of  three  or  four  hundred  thou- 
sand pounds  sterling ,”  and  of  the  ability  of  a 
few  wealthy  capitalists  “to  overwhelm  all 
foreign  competition  ” and  thus  “ step  in  for 
THE  WHOLE  TRADE  WHEN  PRICES  REVIVE.” 

As  an  illustration  of  this  process — very  costly 
to  us  and  equally  profitable  to  these  British 
capitalists — let  us  look  at  the  trade  in  railroad 
iron  from  1840  to  1854.  First  these  men  Lad 
spent  money  here  largely  to  break  down  our 
tariff  of  1842,  and  get  instead  the  lower  tariff  of 
1846  with  its  ad  valorem  (or  invoice  value) 
duties,  'Under  which  system  frauds  in  the  import- 
er’s invoice  could  push  his  duties  down  to  a low 
rate.  Then  in  1849  and  1850  more  than  200,000 
tons  of  rail  road  iron  was  pushed  into  the  country 
at  $40  per  ton,  and  our  mills  at  home  closqd  up  , 
and  their  business  ruined.  This  was  the  plot  to  • 
“gain  and  keep  the  market,”  and  the  harvest 
was  at  hand.  From  1850  to  1854  the  British, 
controling  the  market,  and  running  up  the  price, 
sold  us  1,000,000  tons  of  rail  road  iron  at  $80 
per  ton.  < | 

With  an  adequate  protection,  our  own  mills 
could  have  furnished  the  iron  at  $50  per  ton,  but 
for  want  of  it  they  were  stopped,  and  thus 
$30,000,000  went  into  the  hands  of  British 
capitalists,  and  soon  came , inevitably,  the  terrible 
distress  of  the  crisis  of  1857. 

Why  did  English  capitalists  spend  $1,250,000 
in  Washington  to  break  down  our  tariff  of  1812  7 

It 'WAS  THE  INEVITABLE  RESULT  OF  THEIR 
PITIFUL  POSITION,  COMPELLING  THEM,  IF 
POSSIBLE,  TO  RULE  OR  RUIN  THE  WORLD’S 

manufactures.  A much  larger  sum  they  will 
spend  again,  if  necessary,  to  make  us  tributary 
to  them,  holding  out  the  promise  of  larger  mar- 
kets in  their  ports  for  our  grain  and  provisions, 
a promise,  as  we  have  seen,  never  redeemed  in 
the  past,  nor  like  to  be,  as  the  currents  of  trade 
set,  in  the  future.  All  the  while  is  the  free  trade 
cry  kept  up  by  these  needy  monopolists,  the 
British  manufacturers,  because  it  helps  greatly 
to  unsettle  the  minds  of 'our  and  other  countries 
and  prevents  the  adoption  of  a stable  policy  of 
fair  protection  to  home  industry. 

With  our  broad  extent  of  fertile  soil,  and  our 
vast  wealth  of  mines,  we  are  under  no  necessity 
of  seeking  to  crush  industry  the  world  over,  to 
save  ourselves.  We  wish  no  such  wrong  to  other 
nations,  but  simply  desire  to  protect  our  home 
interests,  and  leave  them  fair  scope  to  do  the 
same. 

All  the  world’s  experience  and  the  present 
condition  of  nations  show  the  protective  policy 
to  be  the  only  safe  and  wise  means  for  national 
growth  and  the  highest  culture  ; that  is,  where  it 
is  carried  to  the  extent  of  simply  fostering  homo 
industry,  and  stops  short  of  efforts  to  monopolize 
and  crush  down  all  industry  elsewhere.  This 
latter  course,  as  we  have  seen,  is  that  to  which 
free  trade  ‘England  is  driven  by  the  narrow- 
ness of  her  territory,  and  the  poverty  of  her 
resources,  aside  from  capital  and  skill  in  manu- 
factures and  trade.  Her  policy  has  made  mil- 
lions of  her  people  paupers,  has  wrought  ruin 


and  starvation  in  her  Irish  and  Indian  posessions, 
and  has  well  nigh  ruined  whatever  nation  has 
been  induced  to  follow  it. 

In  her  colonies,  England  has  full  sway.  Is  the 
philanthropic  free  trade  policy,  so  kindly  com- 
mended to  other  nations,  carried  out  there  7 No. 
The  constant  aim  has  been  to  discourage  and  pre- 
vent manufacturing  among  them  ; to  bring  their 
raw  materials  to  England  to  be  wrought  into  finer 
forms  there,  and  sent  back  again.  Fearful,  in- 
deed, has  been  the  ruin  wrought  in  this  way. 

In  Bengal,  sixty  years  ago,  looms  for  making 
cottons  were  in  well-nigh  every  household.  The 
fine  muslins  of  India  had  a world-wide  celebrity. 
Calicoes  and  coarser  stuffs  were  made,  not  only 
for  home  use,  but  a hundred  million  pounds  of 
cloth  were  exported  yearly. 

Macaulay,  who  would  not  overstate  the  case 

f against  his  own  countrymen,  said  : 

“ The  misgovernment  of  the  English  was  car- 
ried to  a point  such  as  seemed  hardly  compatible 
with  the  existence  of  society.  They  forced  the 
natives  to  buy  dear  and  sell  cheap.  They  insulted 
with  impunity,  the  tribunals,  the  police,  and  the 
fiscal  authorities  of  the  country. 

“ Enormous  fortunes  were  rapidly  made  in  Cal- 
cutta, while  30,000,000  of  human  beings  were 
reduced  to  the  extremity  of  wretchedness.  They 
had  been  accustomed  to  be  under  tyranny,  but 
never  under  such  as  this.  * * * * 

“ Under  their  old  masters  they  had,  at  least, one 
resource ; when  the  evil  grew  insupportable,  the 
people  rose  and  pulled  down  the  government. 
But  the  British  government  was  not  to  be  shaken 
off.  Oppressive  as  the  most  oppressive  form  of 
barbarian  despotism,  it  was  strong  with  all  the 
strength  of  civilization.” 

The  importation  of  machinery  into  Hindostan 
was  forbidden,  and  down  went  the  vast  manufac- 
tures of  cotton,  for  hand  labor  could  not  compete 
with  power-lootns,  and  wide  tracts  of  the  best 
cotton  lands  in  India  ran  to  waste  and  wild  jun- 
gles. 

England  gained  thereby,  for  a time,  but  na- 
tions make  no  lasting  gains  by  injustice,  and  Hin- 
dostan, made  poor  by  British  monopoly,  is  a far 
less  valuable  customer  than  she  might  have  been 
with  fair  treatment. 

These  horrid  evils  are  partially  remedied,  but 
too  late  to  save  death,  and  haggard,  want,  and 
pitiful  suffering  of  millions  of  poor  Hindoos. 
The  Sepoy  rebellion,  but  a few  years  ago,  in 
which  babies  were  tossed  down  the  mountain 
gorges  of  Hindostan  from  the  bayonets  of  British 
soldiers,  was  one  of  the  latest  tragedies  in  that 
unhappy  country. 

It  may  bethought,  too,  that  the  late  “opium 
war”  with  the  Chinese— fought  to  push  that  bale- 
ful drug  down  the  throats  of  the  natives  at  the 
bayonet’s  point,  for  the  sake  of  the  trader’s  gain 
— i3  not  the  best  illustration  either  of  philanthro- 
py or  free  trade. 

Look  at  England’s  course  toward  Ireland. 
Irish  wool  manufactures,  once  flourishing,  dis- 
couraged and  broken  down ; Irish  shipping  cut 
off  from  equal  privileges,  Ireland  must  send  her 
raw  materials  to  England  in  English  ships,  and 
take  back  fabrics  wrought  in  English  shops.  Her 


5 


soil  grew  poor,  her  famished  people  were  kept  at 
the  rudest  labor,  and,  while  want  ruled  there,  one - 
third  of  the  surface , including  the  richest 
lands  in  the  Kingdom , were  lying  waste.  Ire- 
land’s suffering  is  largely  owing  to  this  grasping 
policy  of  England. 

Free  trade  indeed ! The  colonial  policy  of 
England  is  'prohibition  of  that  association  of  man 
■with  his  fellows,  in  varied  labors , which  leads  to 
individual  growth  and  culture  and  wealth . Her 
course  toward  the  West  Indies  has  been  marked 
by  the  same  features,  mitigated  somewhat  of  late 
to  save  utter  ruin.  Canada  has  - been  „ better 
treated. 

Let  us  look  at  the  condition  of  other  countries 
that  have  come  under  this  so-called  free  trade” 
policy. 

Portugal,  in  ” 1703,  * signed  'the  v“  Methuen 
Treaty  * with  England,  by  which,  in  return  for 
favors  given  her  wines,  she  cut  off  almost  all 
protection  from  her  wool,  food,  &c.  Her  manu- 
factures were  ruined  ; British  goods  poured  into 
her  ports ; she  became  a purely  agricultural 
country,  poor,  with  population  decreasing,  bad 
roads,  and  mails  carried  on  horseback,  r Such  is 
the  condition  of  a country,  naturally . rich,  but 
made  poor  by  her  miserable  policy. 

Turkey  has  produced  wool,  silk,  corn,  and  cot- 
ton, in  large  quantities;  coal,  iron  and  copper 
abound.  Two  hundred  years  ago  her  trade  with 
Europe  was  large,  and  her  merchants  rich. 
But,  in  an  evil  hour,  the  government  made  a 
treaty  with  England  and  France,  agreeing  to 
charge  no  more  than  three  per  cent,  duty  on  their 
imports,  and  to  exempt  their  vessels  from  port 
charges.  Great  Britain  forbade  the  exportation 
of  her  machinery  to  Turkey,  as  well  as  of  her 
mechanics  who  might  have  gone  there  to  make  it. 

Of  course,  Turkish  manufactures  were  ruined. 

In  Scutari,  there  were  six  hundred  looms  in 
1812;  but  forty  remained  in  1821;  and  of  two 
thousand  weaving  shops  in  Tournova  in  1812,  but 
two  hundred  were  left  in  1830.  As  in  most  purely 
agricultural  countries,  the  cultivators  are  in  debt. 
Recently  the  total  exports  of  Turkey  were  but 
$33,000,000,  while  those  of  England  to  that  coun- 
try were  but  $11,000,000  yearly. 

Thus  grasping  selfishness  defeats  itself,  and 
Turkey,  unjustly  treated,  is  too  poor  to  be  a good 
customer. 

Let  us  look  at  the  condition  of  countries  that 
have  protected  their  industry,  deaf  to  the  siren 
voice  of  “British  free  trade.”  At  the  close  of 
Napoleon’s  wars,  great  quantities  of  British  goods 
were  sent  into  Germany,  to  the  injury  of  their 
domestic  industry.  In  1818,  Prussia  enacted  a 
tariff  in  self  defense,  on  which  occasion  Lord 
Brougham,  in  the  House  of  Commons,  at  London, 
made  the  benevolent  statement  that  “ England 
could  afford  to  bear  some  loss  on  the  export  of 
her  goods,  for  the  purpose  of  destroying  foreign 
manufactures  in  their  cradle .” 

The  German  States  soon  united  to  form  their 
Zoll-Verein,  a Custom-Union,  for  duties  abroad 
and  free  intercourse  among  themselves,  and  since 
then  have  gained  in  wealth  and  independeuce. 

In  1835,  Germany  exported  to  England 
28,000,000  pounds  of  wool;  in  1851  the  imports 


were  25,000,000  pounds,  adding  some  50,000,000 
to  the  quantity  made  into  cloth  at  home. 

So  in  other  departments,  and  we  see  proof  of 
German  wealth  in  the  fact  that  some  $200,000,000 
or  more  of  our  National  Bonds  are  held  there. 

In  1825,  Russia,  before  almost  wholly  agricul- 
tural, encouraged  manufactures  by  a more  pro- 
tective policy,  and  has  gained  largely  in  wealth. 
The  abolition  of  serfdom  has  come,  too,  helped 
largely  by  the  moral  effect  of  that  growth  of  per  - 
sonal power  and  character,  which  comes  with 
varied  industry. 

Other  features  and  conditions  of  national  life 
have  their  effect  to  help  or  hinder  growth,  but  we 
can  see  plainly  enough  the  good  results  in  wealth 
of  purse  and  character,  .of  wise  protection,  fos- 
tering varied  industry 

The  policy  of  France  has  been  to  comoine  a 
small  amount  of  foreign  raw  material,  with  a 
larger  quantity  produced  at  home,  and  thus  ena- 
ble her  farmers  to  keep  up  commerce  with  distant 
lands.  < Her  skill  and  taste  make  most  of  the 
value  of  her  exports.1**  With  vast  military  ex- 
penses, she  yet  gains  in  wealth,  for  her  industry 
thrives  and  is  . cared  for 

Much  noise  has  been  made  about  the  so-called 
“ free  trade  treaty  ” between  France  and  England 
in  1860,  concluded  mainly  under  the  care  of  Rich- 
ard Cobden,  but  that  title  is  a strange  misnomer. 

The  present  French  tariff,  then  decided  on, 
though  modified  in  many  particulars,  and  re- 
duced to  a clearer  system,  more  adapted  to  mod- 
ern wants  and  customs,  is  yet  carefully  protect- 
ive, and  averages  quite  as  high  as  our  own. 

Earl  Gray  said  of  it,  in  the  House  of  Lords,  and 
none  refuted  his  words,  “The  advance  France  has 
made  on  the  road  to  commercial  freedom,  is  most 
inconsiderable.  She  retained  her  whole  system 
of  navigation  laws,  and  bound  herself  to  no  duties 
on  her  manufactured  goods,  lower  than  thirty  per 
cent,  and  twenty-five  per  cent,  afterward.” 

Mr.  Ilorsman,  in  the  House  of  Commons,  de- 
clared the  duty  of  thirty  per  cent,  “prohibitory, 
as  toward  England.”  The  Leeds  Chamber  of 
Commerce  had  the  same  opinion,  and  the  Journal 
des  Debats — the  Emperor’s  organ — deemed  it  pro- 
hibitory, and  held  the  English  outwitted. 

So  far  as  the  influence  of  race  and  religion  go, 
France,  Portugal  and  Ireland  are  of  Celtic  origin, 
and  of  Catholic  faith.  The  first  protects  its  in- 
dustry and  grows  in  wealth,  the  two  last  are  in 
the  clutches  of  “ British  free  trade.”  groaning 
under  the  yoke. 

The  solicitude  of  England  touching  our  manu- 
factures, was  manifest  in  our  colonial  days,  and 
still  continues. 

In  1710,  the  House  of  Commons  declared,  that 
the  erecting  of  manufactures  in  the  colonies  tend- 
ed to  decrease  their  dependence  on  Great  Britain. 

At  a later  period  the  exportation  from  England 
of  artisans  or  tools  for  making  wool,  silk,  cotton 
or  iron,  was  prohibited 

Lord  Chatham  said  ho  would  not  let  tho  col- 
onists make  even  a hobnail  for  themselves. 

Wo  have  no  wish  to  create  or  increase  any  un- 
just prejudice  against  the  English  people.  Sure- 
ly wo  would  not  depreciate  tho  noble  words 
in  our  behalf,  of  the  little  band  of  our  faithful 


6 


friends  there,  through  our  yoars  of  trial  just  past. 

Any  fair  measures  for  mutual  good,  between 
our  governments,  will  be  met,  let  ns  hope,  in  the 
future  as  in  the  past,  in  a friendly  spirit.  But 
there  seems  a strange  blindness,  even  among 
Englishmen  who  have  been  our  intelligent  friends 
in  other  respects,  as  to  our  right  and  duty  to  pro- 
tect our  home  industry  from  the  deadly  grasp  of 
their  great  monopolists. 


The  gro S3  amount  of  revenue  from 
customs  yearly,  from  1856  to  1859,  in 

Great  Britain  was - ,$120,486,165 

and  in  the  United  States 57,082,014 

During  the  same  time  the  average 
rate  of  duty,  on  dutiable  imports  in 

Great  Britain  was 32.41  per  ct. 

and  in  the  United  States.... 22.54  “ “ 


With  a revenue  from  customs  more  than  double 
ours)  and  duties  on  such  articles  as  she  chooses 
to  protect,  ten  per  cent,  higher , it  is  quite  mani- 
fest the  golden  age  of  real  free  trade  will  not 
da  wn  on  England  this  generation. 

Of  course  it  is  not  fair  to  charge  all  fluctuations 
in  trade  to  varying  tariffs ; yet  the  fact  is  signifi- 
cant, that  every  great  panic  and  commercial 
revulsion  voe  have  had  in  this  country  was  when 
tariffs  were  reduced,,  under  the  influence  of  the 
free  trade  cry , while  our  periods  of  prosperity  in 
all  our  industrial  interests  have  been  under  a 
more  protective  system. 

It  may  be  asked,  “ why  are  so  many  of  our  im- 
porting merchants,  especially  in  New  York,  in 
favor  of  free  trade  7 ” 

The  cost  of  foreign  goods  being  less  accurately 
known  than  that  of  domestics,  gives  more  chance 
for  profits. 

Nearly  sixty-five  per  cent,  of  all  imports,  and 
more  than  eighty  per  cent,  of  our  imported  dry 
goods,  are  brought  into  New  York. 

The  dry  goods  importing  is  largely  in  the 
hands  of  foreigners  or  of  those  connected  with 
foreigners.  Swayed  by  interest  as  men  are,  the 
partiality  of  many,  not  all,  importers  for  low  duties 
is  no  marvel.  — - , 

Our  forefathers  felt  that  they  must  have  com- 
mercial independence,  always  denied  them  by 
England,  or  their  political  independence  would 
be  but  an  empty  name.  The  necessity  of  a pro- 
tective system  for  the  States,  was  a main 
subject  of  deliberation  at  the  first  Convention,  in 
1786,  of  delegates  at  Annapolis,  met  to  consider 
the  formation  of  a Constitution,  and  also  at  the 
Convention  of  1787,  in  which  the  Constitution  was 
framed. 

Washington,  as  President,  met  the  first  Con- 
gress, clad  in  a suit  of  domestic  manufacture,  and 
the  second  Act  passed  by  that  Congress,  had  the 
following  preamble  : 

“ Whereas,  it  is  necessary  for  the  support  of 
Government,  for  the  discharge  of  the  debts  of  the 
United  States,  and  for  the  encouragment  and 
protection  of  manufactures,  that  duties  be 
laid  on  goods,  wares  and  merchandise  imported. 
Be  it  enacted,”  etc.,  etc.  This  bill  being  passed, 
was  signed  by  Washington,  July  4,1789,  marking 
thus,  the  great  truth  no  doubt  deeply  felt  by  him, 
and  by  that  august  body,  that  the  birth  of  politi- 
cal freedom  should  bo  followed  by  that  of  indus- 
trial independence,  that  a great  nation  might 


fulfill  its  high  destiny— free  and  independent 
indeed.  And  Jefferson,  made  President  b a 
rival  party,  was  too  broad  in  his  views  to  differ 
from  Washington  on  this  great  question.  In  his 
second  message,  he  said  : “ To  cultivate  peace, 
and  maintain  commerce  and  navigation  in  all 
their  lawful  enterprises,  to  foster  our  fisheries,  as 
nurseries  of  navigation  and  for  the  nurture  of 
man,  and  to  protect  the  manufactures  adapt- 
et  to  our  circumstances — these  are  the  land- 
marks by  which  we  are  to  guide  ourselves.” 

The  sagacious  Dr.  Franklin,  writing  from  Lon- 
don to  Humphrey  Marshall,  in  1771,  said  : “Ev- 
ery manufacturer  encouraged  in  our  country 
makes  part  of  a market  for  provisions  within 
ourselves,  and  saves  so  much  money  to  the  coun- 
try as  must  otherwise  be  exported  to  pay  for 
manufactures  and  supplies.  Here  in  England,  it 
is  well  known  and  understood,  that  whenever  a 
manufacture  is  established,  employing  a number 
of  hands,  it  raises  the  value,  of  lands  all  about ; 
partly  by  the  greater  demand  near  at  hand,  and 
partly  from  the  plenty  of  money  drawn  there  by 
the  business. 

“ It  seems,  therefore,  the  interest  of  all 

OUR  FARMERS,  AND  OWNERS  OF  LAND,  TO  ENCOUR- 
AGE OUR  MANUFACTURES,  IN  PREFERENCE  TO 
foreign  ones.”  Wise  words,  and  true  now  as 
then. 

In  a letter  to  J.  C.  Cabal  1,  in  1818,  James 
Madison  said,  “The  theory  of ‘let  us  alone,’  sup- 
poses that  all  nations  concur  in  a perfect  freedom 
of  commercial  intercourse.  * * * No  nation 

can  safely  do  so  until  at  least  a reciprocity  be 
insured  to  it.  A nation  leaving  its  foreign  trade 
to  regulate  itself  in  all  cases,  might  soon  find  it 

REGULATED  BY  OTHER  NATIONS  INTO  A SUBSER- 
VIENCY TO  FOREIGN  INTERESTS.” 

Andrew  Jackson,  in  his  Presidential  Message 
of  1830,  said,  in  favor  of  the  constitutional  right 
to  so  adjust  tariffs  as  to  encourage  domestic  in- 
dustry : 

“In  this  conclusion  I am  confirmed,  as  well  by 
the  opinion  of  Washington,  Jefferson,  Madison 
and  Monroe,  who  have  repeatedly  recommended 
the  exercise  of  the  right  under  the  Constitution,1 
as  by  the  uniform  practice  of  Congress,  the  con-' 
tinual  acquiescence  of  the  States,  and  the  general 
understanding  of  the  people.” 

In  a private  letter,  in  1824,  he  said,  “ Take 
from  our  agriculture  600,000  men,  women  and 
children,  to  be  employed  in  manufactures,  and 
you  will,  at  once,  give  a home  market  for  more 
breadstuffs  than  all  Europe  now  gives  us.  We 
have  Seen  too  long  subject  to  the  policy  of 
British  merchants.  It  is  time  we  should  be-' 
come  a. little  more  Americanized.” 

Men  of  America,  choose  between  the  . words  of 
these  great  Americans,  and  the  British  cry  of  free 
trade. 

Farmers,  mechanics,  manufacturers,  there  is 
no  conflict  of  interest  between  you.  “ Each  for 
all,  all  for  each,”  is  the  divine  law,  in  political 
economy,  as  well  as  in  ethics  or  religion. 

The  permanent  success  of  one  branch  of  indus- 
try is  only  secured  by  the  prosperity  of  all. 

No  country  in  the  world  is  so  well  adapted  to 
that  association  and  diversity  of  labor,  whiob 


7 


grow  with,  and  help  increase  civilization  and 
freedom,  as  ours.  Rich  in  abundant  and  varied 
products,  rivers  and  lakes,  natural  highways  far 
inland,  water  power  in  every  State,  steam  and 
the  skill  to  use  it,  everywhere, — all  combine  to 
bring  producer  and  consumer  side  by  side.  ■ 

All  this  would  come  naturally  with  a true  policy 
of  government,  to  put  obstacles  aside.  That  pol- 
icy can  help  or  hinder  greatly  ; bringing  thereby 
prosperity  or  ruin. 

A farmer,  in  Michigan  or  Wisconsin,  for  in- 
stance, raises  wool.  A waterfall  is  heard  from 
his  door,  or  the  putf  of  a steam  engine,  cutting 
lumber  from  the. adjacent  forest;  but  his  wool  is 
taken  to  the  seaboard,  and  the  cloth  he  wears,  and 
the  tools  he  uses,  brought  from  some  workshop 
in  a foreign  land,  thousands  of  miles  away.  His 
wheat,  corn  and  cattle,  go  to  New  England  or  to 
Eucope  to  be  sold,  always  at  a price  governed 
by  A foreign  market,  and  he  gets  that  price, 
LESS  THE  COST  OF  TRANSPORTATION  AND  COM- 
MISSION, AND  THE  RISK  OF  SHIPWRECK.  Spend 
half  these  costs  in  putting  the  water-wheel  in 
place,  whereby  the  stream  might  be  his  servant; 
or  in  making  the  waste  power  of  the  steam  engine 
turn  lathes  and  wield  trip-hammers,  and  his  wool 
is  woven  and  his  tools  made.  Naturally,  the 
Northwest,  with  its  great  extent  of  rich  soil,  will 
have  a surplus  to  send  away,  while  New  England, 
with  its  water-power,  capital,  skill,  and  dense 
population,  will  manufacture  largely.  There  is 
ample  room  for  both,  and  no  jealousy  between 
them.  The  Northwest,  with  raw  materials  here, 
with  food  cheap  and  abundant,  can  really  manu- 
facture with  less  expense  tihan  the  East. 

On  Lake  Superior,  in  Illinois,  Wisconsin  and 
Missouri,  in  Ohio  and  Kentucky,  we  have  vast 
mineral  wealth — copper,  lead  and  iron.  Wewant 
such  conditions  .as  shall  help  the  lasting  success  of 
our  mining  and  the  manufactures  that  grow,  there- 
from. 

Why  should  not  the  West  make  its  own  iron 
and  steel,  and  send  abroad  fine  qualities  for  special 
uses'?  But  now  English  iron  comes  to  Chica- 
go and  Cincinnati,  sent  by  those  “ great  capital- 
ists,” who,  as  they  themselves  admit,  suffer  losses 
for  a while,  “ to  break  down  competition,”  and 
“step  in  for  the  whole  trade,  when  prices  re- 
vive,”— making  us,  in  the  end  of  course,  pay  both 
their  losses  and  profits.  What  folly  in  us  ! 

The  Northwest  should  manufacture,  too,  the 
wool  it  now  exports  so  largely. 

No  COUNTRY,  EXCLUSIVELY  AGRICULTURAL, 
EVER  GREW  PERMANENTLY  RICH.  To  take  from 
the  earth  and  not  wear  it  out,  the  farmer  must 
give  back.  Let  this  be  done,  and  crops  increase 
with  the  growth  of  population  ; neglect  this,  and 
when  decay  shall  come  to  the  best  land  is  but 
a question  of  time,  come  it  will,  inevitably. 

In  New  England,  with  a poor  soil,  crops  increase; 
in  the  West,  with  a rich  soil,  they  decrease  in  the 
average.  In  New  England,  factory  and  farm  are 
near  each  other,  making  a home  market  for  the 
farmer’s  produce,  and  enabling  him  t(d^  manure 
to  enrich  his  soil. 

In  the  West,  our  produce  being  carmd  off,  the 
soil  loses  thousands  of  tons  of  its  most  precious 
constituents  for  crops  every  year,  and  receives  no 


equivalent.  A distinguished  agriculturalist  said, 
in  1856:  “ It  would  be  improper  to  estimate  the 
annual  waste  to  the  country  at  less  than  an 
amount  equal  to  the  mineral  constituents  of 
1, 500,000, OoO  bushels  of  corn.”  Put  the  factory 
beside  the  farm,  and  this  drain  stopped. 

We  cannot  have  the  best  farming,  until 
WE  HAVE  the  best  manufacturing,  in  varied 
FORMS  AND  MATERIALS,  EACH  An  INDIS- 
PENSABLE HELP  TO  THE  GROWTH  AND  PERFECT- 
NESS OF  THE  OTHER. 

Give  us  both,  and  the  blending  of  these  varied 
experiences  and  vocations,  the  meeting  and 
mingling  of  these  many  life-currents,  tinged 
and  shaped  by  such  wide  mastery  of  man  over 
Nature’s  forces  and  materials,  is  full  of  benefit. 
It  is  civilization,  culture,  wealth  of  soul  as  well 
as  of  purse.  To  the  farmer  ft  is  increase  of  the 
product  of  his  acres,  economy  of  exchange,  work 
of  hand  or  brain,  for  whatever  gift  of  power  or 
character  his  children  may  possess,  instant  and 
constant  call  for  a variety  of  larbor,  and  all  the 
while,  the  thrill  of  inventive  ger»ius  pulsing 
through  the  serene  quiet  of  his  life  in  the  fields, 
saving  it  from  all  narrowness  or  stagnatibn,  that 
he  may  the  more  enjoy  Nature’s  beauty,  and  the 
better  make  her  forces  sefve  him. 

Our  country  has  a great  national  debt.  Tariffs 
and  taxes  wo  must  have.  It  is  important  so  to 
SHAPE  THE  POLICY  OF  GOVERNMENT,,  AS  TO  PRO- 
TECT HOME  INDUSTRY,  WHILE  RAISING  THE  REV- 
ENUE. 

There  has  been  a grave  mistake  in  the  action 
of  Congress  in  this  matter.  Important  domestic 
manufactures  are  less  protected  than  formerly. 

Take  for  instance,  railroad  bar  iron,  and  pig  iron, 
woolens,  etc. ; all  can  be  shown  to  suffer  more  or 
less  in  the  same  way.  The  tariff  on  foreign  rail- 
road bars  is  $14  00  per  ton,  and  there  is  no  other 
special  addition  to  the  cost  of  its  manufacture. 

The  revenue  tax  upon  the  domestic  article  is 
$3  60  per  ton ; but  this  is  but  a small  part  of 

The  ADDED  COST  TO  THE  MAKER. 

Pig  iron  is  taxed  $2  40  per  ton,  and  coal, 
machinery,  freight,  salaries,  etc.,  etc.,  all  pay 
taxes,  WHICH  GO  TO  INCREASE  THE  COST  OF  THE 
finished  article.  Thus  a ton  of  American 
railroad  bars  really  pays  a tax  of  at  least  $10  00. 
The  tariff  is  paid  in  gold,  the  tax  in  currency ; 
this  at  present  rates,  makes  the  tariff  equal  in 
currency  to  $19  60  per  ton.  But,  before  any  rev- 
enue tax  was  imposed,  the  tariff  on  foreign  bars 
was  fixed  at  $12  00  per  ton,  so  that  with  the 
gold  premium,  the  real  protection  is  but  $9  60. 
Beduce  gold  to  par  and  it  would  be  but  $4  00,  or 
EIGHT  DOLLARS  PER  TON  LESS  THAN  IN  1861. 

So  long  as  a great  war-demand  for  manufac- 
tures existed,  this  was  not  felt,  but,  as  that  ceases, 
it  is  beginning  to  tell  with  great  severity.  Un- 
less this  mistake  be  soon  corrected,  manufactures 
are  crippled,  inventive  skill  discouraged,  the 
Northwest  made  tributary  to  England,  and  all 
fluctuations  of  foreign  trade  severely  felt. 

There  is  a danger,  too,  rapid  in  its  approach, 
swift  and  terrible.  Continue  our  present  large 
importations,  and  wo  increase  our  great  foreign 
debt,  our  specie  and  bonds  flow  to  Europe,  (some 
$400,000,000  of  National  konds,  and  $500,000,000 


of  State  and  railroad  securities  are  there  now,  in 
'all  « $900,000,000,)  and,  in  two  years  or 
less,  we  shall  have  to  pay  $80,000f000  in  specie, 
'yearly,  for  our  foreign  interest  money,  and  for 
goods  we  can  far  better  make  at  home.  This  will 
be  paralysis  of  business,  failure  of  capitalists, 
want  to  the  poor,  such  as  we  have  never  had  in 
the  “ panics  ” of  the  past.  ‘ 

,h  Just  at  this  critical  juncture,  as  we  are  warned 
by  our  Consul  at  Liverpool,  the  trading  classes 
and  aristocracy  of  England  are  plotting  to  re- 
duce even  our  present  inadequate  tariff. 

Should  they  succeed  in  doing  so,  or  even  in 
holding  it  where  it  is,  and  preventing  protection, 
just  and  indispensable  in  our  present  emergency, 
they  would  rejoipe  at  our  calamity,  knowing  that, 
by  crafty  management,  they  had  dealt  a blow  at 
us,  and  at  the  sacred  cause  of  free  government, 
more  terrible  than  the  clash  of  iron-clad  ships, 
or  the  smiting  of  heaviest  cannon  shot,  could  in- 
flict. 

h All  this  is  needless.  “Forewarned,  forearmed,” 
is  a good  motto.  The  manufacturers  do  not  com- 
plain of  their  taxes,  but  can  pay  even  more,  read- 
ily, only  let  home-skill  and  labor  have  a fair 
chance  for  our  great  home  market. 

•*»  Let  it  be  borne  in  mind  how  large  a part  of 
our  national  income  is  from  this  internalre  venue, 
and  that  this  income  must  be  had  to  preserve 
our  national  honor. 

In  the  fiscal  year,  just  closed,  while  the  in- 
come from  internal  revenue  was  $200,000,000, 
the  tariff  on  foreign  goods,  with  large  impor- 
tations, was  but  $76,000,000.  The  next  year 
will  show  a decrease  in  the  manufactures  at 
horde,  and  in  the  tax  they  pay,  of  course.  Thus 
it  is  plain  that  adequate  protection  to  home  indus- 
try is  the  ready  means  of  paying  our  national  ex- 
pense^ as  well  as  helping  that  common  and  last- 
ing prosperity  we  so  muchmeed. 

The^cattle  and  corn  of  Europe,  in  their  raw 
shape, , cannot  come  to  Wisconsin,  but  they  do 

I commend  this  valuable  pamphlet  to 
tne  people. 

Detroit,  July  1st,  1865. 


come  worked  up  into  cloth,  tools,  etc.  Protection 
is  no  selfish  measure,  for  the  benefit  of  the  rich 
mill-owner,  but  simply  the  preservation  and  in- 
crease of  certain  branches  of  industry  for  the  ben- 
efit of  all. 

Let  us  remember  that  our  fathers,  in  “ the  times 
that  tried  men’s  souls,”  favored  protection  to 
home  industry  as  the  means  of  read  independ- 
ence; that  Washington  and  Jefferson  saw  that 
the  people’s  industry  and  skill  must  be  self-sus- 
tained above  the  reach  of  foreign  craft  or  power. 

Remember  that  one  great  grievance  of  our 
days  of  colonial  dependence  on  England,  was  her 
persistent  resolve  to  crush  our  manufactures,  and 
thus  keep  us  dependent  and  poor,  and  that,  in 
the  present  hour  of  trial,  the  same  spirit  of  selfish 
monopoly  would  break  down  our  industry,  make 
us  again  dependent  and  poor,  and  craftily  lead  us 
to  pour  our  gold  into  British  coffers,  already  filled 
with  the  ill-gotten  gains  of  “neutral”  piracy,  and 
rebel  blockade  running. 

We  must  avoid  foreign' debt,  decrease  importa- 
tions, protect  home  industry  by  a tariff  which 
shall -thoroughly  guard  its  interests;  and  we 
shall  have  no  panic  or  bankruptcy , but  health  in 
business ; work  and  fair  wages  for  all,  real 
National  Independence,  and  Revenue  with- 
out Ruin. 

,,  G.  B.  STEBBINS. 

DetroP  Mich.,  July  1st,  1865. 


Note. — In  so  brief  a pamphlet  only  a general 
acknowledgment  can  be  made.  - From  a late 
and  able  work  of  E.  B.  Bigelow,  of  Boston,  on 
“The  Tariff  Question,  considered  in  regard  to 
the  policy  of  England,  and  the  interests  of  the 
United  States,”  from  the  well-known  and  able 
writings  of  Henry  Carey,  and  from  various  other 
sources,  facts  and  arguments  of  great  value  have 
been  gathered  for  this  work. 

the  careful  and  thoughtful  reading  of 
E.  B.  WARD. 


Valuable  Books. — “ Manual  of  Social  Science,”  condensed  from  II.  C.  Carey’s  Works,  by 
Kate  McKean,  1 vol.,  $2.50 ; H.  C.  Baird,  Philadelphia,  publisher. 

“The  Tariff  Question,  considered  in  regard  to  the  policy  of  England,  and  the  interests  of  the 
United  States.”  late  and  excellent,  by  E.  B,  Bigelow.  Price  $5.  Little,  Brown  & Co.,  Boston, 
publishers. 


v 


For  the  Protection  of  New  England  Homes. 


v * h a \ 1/vX 

: — -v 

What  Senator  Frye  Saw  in  Europe. 


HOW  WAGE-EARNERS  LIVE  AND  ARE  PAID 
IN  FREE  TRADE  COUNTRIES. 


Senator  Hoar  on  the  Influence  of  the  Tariff. 


ISSUED  BY  THE  HOME  MARKET  CLUB, 
56  Bedford  Street,  Boston. 


! 


THE  DANGER 


SOUND  THE  ALARM. 


When  a fire  breaks  out  the  alarm  bells  are  rung,  and  at  once  all 
efforts  are  directed  to  subdue  it.  Why?  To  prevent  ruin. 

The  free  trade  fire  that  will  ruin  New  England  has  broken  out,  and 
it  is  time  to  sound  the  alarm.  The  House  of  Representatives  in 
Washington  is  in  favor  of  free  trade. 

The  leading  members  of  the  present  administration,  from  President 
down,  are  prominent  free  traders,  many  being  members  of  that 
foreign  institution,  the  Cobden  Club,  and  also  of  the  New  York  Free 
Trade  Club. 

The  Senate  is  for  protection  only  by  a small  majority,  so  that  if 
Rhode  Island  and  New  Jersey  should  elect  free  traders  to  the  Senate 
there  would  be  nothing  to  prevent  a free  trade  tariff  bill  passing  both 
houses. 

The  present  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  who  is  charged  with  the 
administration  of  a protective  tariff,  is  a free  trader.  As  well  might 
a rumseller  be  charged  with  the  administration  of  a prohibitory  law. 

Everything  is  being  done  to  make  popular  sentiment  against  the 
protective  tariff.  It  is  time  for  those  who  believe  and  are  concerned 
in  a protective  tariff  to  come  to  the  rescue. 

Vote  only  for  protectionists, — for  men  who  will  preserve  New 
England’s  vast  interests  in  manufactures,  her  capital,  her  hands  and 
their  wages. 

Do  not  be  humbugged  by  free  trade  arguments  about  how  much 
you  can  save.  What  you  can  earn  is  of  far  more  importance ; but 
what  you  could  earn  under  free  trade,  in  order  for  New  England  to 
compete  with  foreign  labor,  would  be  about  half  what  you  are  now 
earning. 

Read  what  Senator  Frye,  of  Maine,  found  out  and  observed  in  his 
recent  visit  to  Europe,  and  see  if  you  care  to  compete,  unprotected, 
i with  European  labor. 

1 A protective  tariff  protects  alike  the  manufacturer,  with  his  capital 
" invested  in  a mill,  and  all  who  work  in  that  mill,  and  do  not  be 
humbugged  into  thinking  it  is  not  so.  Wage-earners  should  all  be 
protectionists  for  the  preservation  of  their  wages  secured  under  a 
^ protective  tariff. 


4 


LIST  OF  OFFICERS 


— OF  THE— 

home:  market  cjlub. 


PRESIDENT 

TIMOTHY  MERRICK,  Holyoke, 

VICE-PRESIDENTS. 


Hon.  OLIVER  AMES,  Easton. 

FRANCIS  BATCHELLER,  N.  Brookfield. 
Hon.  ALANSON  W.  BEARD,  Boston, 
Hon.  THEODORE  C.  BATES,  Worcester. 
JAMES  PHILLIPS,  Jr.  Fitchburg. 

J.  W.  BENNETT,  Lowell. 

E.  H.  BAKER  Ware. 

HON.  FREDERICK  L.  BURDEN,  North 
Attleboro. 

LEWIS  N.  GILBERT,  Ware. 

CURTIS  GUILD,  Boston. 

J.  D.  W.  JOY,  Boston. 

Hon.  W.  W.  RICE,  Worcester. 

HOWARD  STOCKTON,  Boston. 


GEO.  W.  WEEKS,  Clinton. 

Hon.  ELIZUR  SMITH,  Lee. 
PHILLIP  L.  MOEN,  Worcester. 
STEPHEN  HOLMAN,  Worcester. 
JAMES  RENFREW,  JR.,  Adams. 
E.  T.  SLOCUM,  Pittsfield. 

FRED  E.  CLARK,  Lawrence. 

Gen.  WM.  F.  DRAPER,  Hopedale. 
J.  S.  LCD  LAM,  LoAvell. 

IION.  WM.  II.  HAILE,  Springfield. 
Hon.  RUFUS  S.  FROST,  Chelsea. 
II on.  J.  II.  GOULD,  Medfiekl. 

W.  E.  BARRETT,  Boston. 


EXECUTIVE  COMMITTEE, 


ARNOLD  B.  SANFORD,  Fall  River. 

J.  R.  LEESON,  Boston, 

JOHN  HOPEWELL,  Jr.,  Boston. 

AM  AS  A CLARKE,  Boston. 

HON.  WEsTON  LEWIS,  Boston. 

A.  I.  CROLL,  Boston. 

COL  CHAS.  W El L,  Boston. 

HENRY  F.  COE,  Boston. 

FREDERICK  B.  TAYLOR,  Boston. 

T.  F.  PATTERSON,  Boston. 

JOSEPH  G.  RAY,  Franklin. 

H.  N.  DAGGETT,  Attleboro  Falls. 

W.  D.  HOWLAND,  New  Bedford. 

W.  II.  BENT,  Taunton. 

JOS.  W.  GREEN,  Jr.,  Easthampton. 

J.  S.  HOLDEN,  Palmer. 

F.  W.  BREED,  Lynn. 

W.  B.  PLUNKETT,  No.  Adams. 

Hon.  GEO.  L.  DAVIS,  No.  Andover. 

O.  S.  GREENLEAF,  Springfield. 

Hon.  GEO.  P.  LADD,  Spencer. 

ROBERt’  BATCHELLER,  No.  Brookfield. 
CHAS.  IL  COLBURN,  Milford. 

JOSEPH  GRISWOLD,  Turners  Falls. 
HON.  RODNEY  WALLACE,  Fitchburg. 
CHAS.  E.  WHITIN,  Whitinsville. 

GEO.  A.  DRAPER,  Hopedale. 

Secretary.— HERBERT  RADCLYFFE. 


EBEN  S.  DRAPER,  Hopedale. 

SIM  EON  B.  CHASE,  Fall  River. 

E.  D.  M ETOALF,  Mittineaque. 

HENRY  L.  J A VIES,  Williamsburg. 
ROBERT  S.  GRAY,  Walpole. 

HON.  A.  L.  JOSL1N,  Oxford. 

HON.  JAMES  S.  ALLEN,  Brockton. 

L.  ANDERSON,  Skowhegan,  Me. 

ROBERT  DOBSON,  Pittsfield,  Me. 

R.  A.  CLOG  HER,  N.  Vassal  boro,  Me. 

JOHN  R.  POLLOCK,  Guilford,  Me. 

WM.  R.  WOOD,  Portland,  Me. 

THOMAS  WALKER,  Warren,  Me. 
HERBERT  BAILEY,  Claremont,  N.  H. 

Gen.  GEO.  M.  HARMON,  New  Haven,  Conn, 
E.  N.  SHELTON,  Birmingham,  Conn. 

N.  D.  SPERRY,  New  Haven,  Conn. 

L.  M.  HUBBARD,  Wallingford,  Conn. 

E.  N.  SHELTON,  Birmingham,  Conn. 

T.  1>.  SAYLE3,  Mechanicsville,  Conn. 

A.  W.  EATON,  Burnside,  Conn. 

HENRY  R.  PARROTT,  Bridgeport,  Conn. 
H.  C.  NOBLE,  New  Britain,  Conn. 

E.  JENCKES,  Pawtucket,  R.  I. 

HENRY  A.  STEARNS,  Pawtucket,  R.  I. 
HENRY  B.  METCALF,  Pawtucket,  R.  I. 

E.  MORRIS,  Hartford,  Vt. 

Treasurer. — BEVERLY  K.  MOORE. 


HEADQUARTERS: 

Boston  Merchants  Association,  Cor.  Bedford  and  Chauncey  Streets. 


This  pamphlet  does  not  discuss  political  economy.  It  is  for  every-day 
people — for  the  millions  and  not  for  the  few.  Daniel  Webster  once  expressed 
himself  very  freely  to  a friend.  He  said:  “For  my  part,  though  I like  the 
investigation  of  particular  questions,  I give  up  what  is  called  the  science  of 
political  economy.  There  is  no  such  science;  there  are  no  rules  on  this  subject 
go  fixed  and  invariable  that  their  aggregate  constitutes  a science.  I believe  I 
have  already  run  over  twenty  volumes  from  Adam  Smith  to  Prof.  Drew;  and 
from  the  whole,  if  I were  to  pick  out  with  one  hand  the  mere  truisms,  and 
with  the  other  all  the  doubtful  propositions,  little  would  be  left.” 


£Fo\-u>oVcl/  Wu4  all  jilted  ujv  to  the  ^e&vet>oAA^. 


(pteaAe  hA&ve'nt  {k>l  ‘yfoeynkeidfiiifa, 


I<%a/m©. 


(HkitU©&6 


^n,oto6od  \A  0/dmi6MoW/  &ee  of  $S 


The  Vast  Interest  New  England  has  in  a Protective  Tariff. 


Examine  this  table,  showing  the  number  of  manufacturing 
establishments,  the  capital  and  number  of  hands  employed,  and 
the  Tvages  they  earn, — figures  all  taken  from  the  census  of  1880  : 


No.  of  Estab- 
lishments. 

Capital. 

No.  of 
Employees. 

Paid  in  Wages. 

Connecticut, 

4,488 

$120,480,275 

112,915 

$43,501,518 

Maine, 

4,481 

49,988,171 

52,954 

13,623,318 

Massachusetts, 

14,352 

303,806,185 

352,255 

128,315,362 

New  Hampshire, 

3,181 

51,112,263 

48,831 

14,814,793 

Vermont, 

2,874 

23,265,224 

17,540 

5,164,479 

Total, 

29,376 

$548,652,118 

584,495 

$205,419,470 

According  to  the  Census  of  1880,  therefore,  there  were  at 
that  time  nearly  $550,000,000  invested  in  New  England  in 
manufacturing  establishments.  There  was  and  is  a great  deal 
more  than  that.  A mill’s  capital  may  be  a given  amount,  say 
$300,000,  but  it  may  have  to  borrow  as  much  more.  It  is 
safe  to  estimate  the  capital  invested  in  New  England,  in  manu- 
facturing establishments,  at  $1,000,000,000.  Do  our  manu- 
facturers and  business  men  want  to  imperil  this  capital  by  free 
trade?  The  584,495  hands  in  1880  earned  $205,419,470.  Do 
the  wage-earners  want  to  have  their  earnings  put  upon  a 
European  basis,  and  cut  down  about  one-half  by  free  trade? 
Do  the  business  men  of  New  England  want  the  $205,419,470, 
earned  by  those  employees  in  manufacturing  establishments  in 
New  England,  cut  down  by  free  trade  one-half?  Imagine  the 
condition  of  New  England  with  her  manufacturing  interests 
ruined  by  free  trade. 


&S~  It  is  full  time  to  realize  the  dangers  of  the  situation.  The  President,  in 
his  last  message,  comes  out  for  free  trade,  free  raw  materials,  and  tariff 
reduction.  We  are  told  that  with  free  raw  materials  our  manufactures  would 
capture  foreign  markets.  Thus  : if  wool  were  admitted  free  of  duty,  our  woolen 
mills  would  export  woolen  goods.  The  whole  basis  of  this  argument  is  that 
something  will  take  place;  whereas  the  protectionist  argument  points  always 
to  accomplished  facts,  — not  what  will  take  place,  but  what  has  taken  place  and 
does  take  place.  We  have  free  hides,  and  it  is  true  some  leather  is  exported, 
but  it  is  always  done  at  a nominal  profit,  and  the  leather  is  only  shipped 
abroad  in  order  to  better  sustain  prices  in  the  home  market.  Where  our  cotton 
and  woolen  mills  import  machinery  to  be  used  in  their  mills  in  order  to  produce 
goods,  our  boot  and  shoo  machinery  excels  that  of  any  other  in  the  world,  and 
is  exported.  Where,  in  other  countries,  the  labor  of  making  shoes  is  performed 
by  hand,  here  it  is  done  by  machinery.  Put,  with  all  these  advantages,  what 
does  the  export  trade  in  boots  and  shoes  amount  to?  Whv,  it  figures  up  less 
than  WG50,00<)  worth,  and  that  is  not  equal  to  the  annual  product  of  one  good 
sized  factory  in  New  England,  making  goods  for  the  home  market.  It  is  the 
home  market  which  is  valuable.  Where  the  wage-earners  in  Europe  go  around 
barefooted,  here  they  wear  boots  and  shoes  ; hence  the  great  value  of  tho  home 
market.  If  there  was  no  duty  upon  boots  and  shoes,  this  would  bo  lost. 


Speech  of  Hon.  William  P.  Frye,  of  Maine, 

At  Home  Market  Club  Banquet,  Hotel  Vendome,  Boston, 
October  19,  1887. 


Gentlemen  of  the  Home  Market  Club, — Your  Secretary,  in 
inviting  me  to  be  present  on  this  pleasant  occasion,  told  me 
that  he  desired  me  to  speak  of  my  impressions  of  the  necessi- 
ties of  a protective  tariff,  as  suggested  by  what  I saw  in  a 
recent  trip  abroad.  I comply  with  his  request,  and  yet  I have 
no  such  boldness  as  authorizes  me  to  think  for  a moment  that 
I can  say  anything  which  shall  be  interesting  or  new  to  this 
intelligent  audience  before  me — men  whose  line  of  thought  has 
run  this  way  for  years,  practically ; nor  that  I ought  to  be 
selected  to  speak  in  the  presence  of  many  of  the  fathers  here, 
almost,  of  protection  ; at  any  rate  they  are  the  wet  nurses,  like 
my  friend  Porter,  who  sits  over  here,  and  Mr.  Ammidown, 
over  there.  And  yet  it  is  not  an  unpleasant  duty  which  has 
been  assigned  to  me.  I did  feel  a deep  and  profound  interest 
in  this  question  while  I was  in  Europe ; I did,  for  I have  been 
in  the  habit  of  making  tariff  speeches,  and  of  illustrating  them 
by  reference  to  wages  abroad.  Now,  I know  this  as  well 
as  you  do,  that  a public  speaker  is  always  under  great  tempta- 
tion to  exaggerate,  in  order  to  sustain  his  argument,  and  I did 
not  know  but  that  I had  been  guilty  of  exaggeration  hitherto. 
I determined  to  know  for  myself.  And,  therefore,  when  I was 
abroad,  I took  more  interest  in  men  and  in  women  and  in  things, 
than  I did  in  churches  and  in  ruins,  in  architecture  and  paint- 
ing. I investigated,  so  far  as  I could,  of  course  hampered  by 
an  unfamiliarity  with  the  language  of  the  country,  and,  if  under- 
standing a smattering  of  those  languages,  being  entirely  unfa- 
miliar with  the  dialects  of  the  people  who  work  for  a living. 

We  have  some  wonderful  advantages  in  this  country  of  ours 
in  this  matter  of  manufacturing,  over  any  I saw  ; I believe  over 
any  in  the  wide  world.  In  the  first  place,  we  can  feed  a billion 


5 


more  men  on  our  land  than  we  do  to-day,  and  suffer  no  harm 
either.  Then,  again,  we  have  an  enormous  sea-coast,  and  rivers 
and  lakes  which  the  Almighty  planted  just  exactly  right  for  us 
to  use  for  our  purposes,  to  make  cheap  freights  all  over  the 
country.  Then,  again,  we  have  more  railroads  than  all  the  rest 
of  the  world  combined  ; and  to-day  our  freights  are  cheaper  in 
the  United  States  of  America  than  in  any  other  country  on  this 
earth.  On  our  through  lines  the  rates  are  not  one  half  what 
they  are  on  the  through  lines  in  England.  That  is  a great 
advantage.  Again,  we  raise  our  own  cotton  and  a part  of  Eng- 
land’s. We  can  raise  all  the  cotton  the  world  needs,  if  we 
please.  Texas  alone  can  produce  every  pound  of  cotton  you 
use  to-day,  and  England  purchases  from  us,  and  yet  not  be 
exhausted  at  all.  Again,  we  can  raise  all  the  wool  we  need  in 
this  country  without  the  slightest  difficulty,  unless  the  free- 
traders get  it  on  the  free  list.  (Laughter.)  Again,  we  have 
iron  in  twenty-four  states  and  territories,  piled  up  in  mountains 
now  and  then,  like  those  in  Missouri  with  500,000,000  of  tons 
in  their  bosoms ; accessible,  more  accessible  than  the  iron  of 
any  other  country.  Again,  we  have  inexhaustible  coal  fields, 
accessible,  too.  Again,  we  have,  for  I have  seen  it,  mountains 
of  salt ; I saw  one  in  Louisiana,  where,  with  a pick,  you  could 
pick  the  salt  out  in  blocks.  Mountains  of  sulphur,  granite, 
sand-stone,  marble,  lime-rock,  slate,  supplies  of  borax,  gold, 
silver,  copper.  Every  conceivable  thing  that  we  need  to  make 
us  a great  manufacturing  nation  is  spread  out  here  for  our  use ; 
ninety  one-hundredths  of  it  to-day  lying  as  untouched  as  when 
planted  there  in  the  earth  by  the  finger  of  the  Almighty. 
Again,  and  this  meeting  to-night  illustrates  this,  we  have  the 
most  active,  earnest,  vigorous  business  men  that  are  to  be 
found  on  earth.  Why,  abroad  they  will  go  to  sleep  while  a 
man  in  America  is  making  a fortune  (laughter;)  open  their 
stores  at  ten  o’clock,  close  them  at  four ; idle  behind  the 
counter,  seeking  no  trade.  Again,  we  have  the  most  ambi- 
tious, hopeful,  reasonable,  intelligent  laboring  people  that  are 
to  be  fouHd.  I know  that  sometimes  to  employers  these  days 
of  lively  ambition  among  the  laboring  men  seem  to  be  some- 
what irksome  ; but  I tell  you,  business  men  of  Boston,  it  is  all 
working  together  for  good,  and  that  the  good  sense  and  intelli- 
gence of  the  laboring  men  of  this  country  are  to  work  out  noth- 
ing but  good  from  the  present  ferment ; and  I rejoice,  myself, 
in  it.  (Applause.) 

Now,  why  don’t  we  manufacture  for  the  world?  Why  did 
we  last  year  bring  into  our  own  market  — I mean  the  year 


« 


6 


which  ended  J une  30  last  — why  did  we  bring  into  our  own 
market  $31,250,000  worth  of  silk  goods?  You  can  manufac- 
ture every  yard  of  them  here.  Why  did  we  bring  from  abroad 
$29,000,000  worth  of  cotton  goods  made  out  of  cotton  raised 
on  our  own  land?  Why  should  we  import  $44,900,000  worth 
of  woollen  goods?  Why  should  we  import  $49,250*000  worth 
of  manufactures  of  iron  and  steel,  when,  as  I tell  you,  ninety 
one-hundredths  of  our  iron  is  lying  untouched  in  the  earth? 
Why  did  we  import  last  year  $7,250,000  worth  of  glass,  when 
the  material  for  making  glass  is  lying  around  here  everywhere  ? 
Why  did  we  import  $5,750,000  worth  of  pottery,  when  the  best 
clay  in  the  world  for  making  pottery  is  found  in  every  State 
of  the  United  States  except  Florida?  Why  did  we  import 
$12,250,000  worth  of  the  manufactures  of  hemp,  flax  and  jute, 
when  you  can  raise  hemp  and  flax  in  your  own  country  ad  libi- 
tum? With  all  the  advantages  I alluded  to  in  the  outset,  why 
is  it  that  we  do  not  manufacture  for  our  own  market?  Why, 
there  is  but  one  reason,  Mr.  President,  in  the  race  we  are  handi- 
capped— handicapped  by  cheap  labor  in  Europe  — and  no 
other  reason  can  be  given.  (Applause.) 


The  free  traders  are  constantly  referring  to  the  infant 
industries  of  the  country  still  needing  protection.  They 
seem  to  imagine  that  protection  is  needed  only  to  establish  an 
industry;  whereas,  protection  is  needed,  not  only  to  establish 
manufacturing  industries,  but  to  keep  them  running  after  they 
have  been  established.  Our  industries  will  always  need  pro- 
tection, so  long  as  European  labor  is  as  poorly  paid  as  it  is 
now,  and  is  likely  to  continue  to  be  under  free  trade. 


Cheap  labor  in  Europe.  And  is  labor  such  a factor  in  the 
production  of  manufactures  as  to  overbalance  and  overcome  all 
these  advantages  we  possess?  Aye,  Mr.  Presideit,  it  is; 
because  labor  makes  up  one  half  the  cost  of  all  manufactured 
articles.  I do  not  mean  to  say  that  labor  is  one  half  the  cost 
of  a cheap  piece  of  cotton  cloth,  but  I mean  that  the  average  is 
one  half  labor  in  all  manufactured  products. 

I was  over  to  Waltham  one  day  — a marvelous  workshop  — 
and  I spent  a day  there.  I was  in  the  office  of  the  Superin- 
tendent. He  showed  me  some  watch  screws ; he  said  they 
were  screws,  they  were  so  infinitesimal  that  with  the  eye  I 


7 

could  not  tell  they  were.  My  curiosity  was  aroused.  I asked 
him  if  he  could  figure  out  for  me  what  those  screws  cost.  He 
said  he  could.  He  did.  What  do  you  suppose  they  cost  a ton 
by  wholesale?  Four  million  six  hundred  and  sixty-six  thou- 
sand dollars.  And  the  hair  springs  he  showed  me  — $3,120,- 
000.  How  much  is  silver  worth  a ton  ? Thirty-two  thousand 
five  hundred  dollars.  How  much  is  gold  worth  a ton?  Six 
hundred  thousand  dollars  and  a little  over.  Now,  when  those 
screws  were  lying  in  the  bosom  of  the  earth,  what  were  they 
worth?  Two  dollars  a ton.  And  labor  alone  has  made  them 
worth  $4,666,000.  Now  the  difference  between  $1  and  $2  a 
day  on  those  screws  would  count,  would  it  not?  [Applause.] 
John  Roach,  one  of  the  best  men  that  ever  lived  in  America, 
[applause] — killed  because,  though  imported  from  Ireland, 
he  loved  America,  and  was  for  American  ships  and  American 
workmen  always  (applause) — John  Roach  said  that  90  per 
cent,  of  an  iron  ship  was  work  going  to  the  forest  and  mining 
the  coal  and  iron.  So  90  per  cent  of  your  machinery  is  work ; 
so  90  per  cent,  of  your  factory  and  of  your  furnace  and  of  your 
forge  is  work. 

When  I was  in  Dresden  I saw  a report  which  the  bureau  of 
statistics  had  just  made  there,  in  which  they  undertook  to  show 
the  exact  cost  of  spindles  in  the  world.  They  said  spindles 
cost  in  England  from  $5.79  to  $7.60  a spindle  ; in  France,  from 
$8  and  a little  over  to  $9  and  a little  over ; in  Germany,  the 
same  as  in  France ; and  in  the  United  States,  from  $12  to  $18 
a spindle.  Why?  Wood  is  as  cheap  here  as  there;  so  is 
clay,  and  the  only  thing  that  is  not  is  labor.  I was  in  Paisley. 
I went  there  as  a matter  of  great  curiosity,  for  I had  known  of 
the  thread  mills  of  Paisley.  Mr.  Clark  said  it  cost  from  80  to 
85  per  cent,  more  to  build  his  mill  here  than  it  did  to  build  his 
mill  in  Paisley.  Mr.  Coates  said  it  cost  twice  as  much  to  build 
his  mill  here.  Now,  that  is  labor.  So  you  see  that,  after  all, 
is  the  most  important  factor  in  the  matter  of  production.  The 
question  as  to  whether  or  not  they  have  cheap  labor  in  Europe 
is  a question  that  must  be  met  and  must  be  understood  by  men 
who  legislate  on  this  subject  of  protective  tariff,  or  revenue 
reform,  or  whatever  they  call  it.  I know  that  free  traders  say 
there  is  little  difference  between  here  and  there.  I know  they 
say  that  when  you  take  Ihe  cost  of  living  into  consideration 
there  is  no  practical  difference — that  is  the  usual  statement — 
as  though  the  cost  of  living  had  anything  to  do  with  it.  It  is 
the  manner  of  living  that  tells  the  story. 

Now,  let  me  give  you  a few  illustrations  of  what  I saw,  and 


8 


they  will  be  facts,  not  fancies.  I will  start  with  Italy.  “Ah, 
but  we  haven’t  got  much  competition  with  Italy.  Why  go  • 
there?”  Why,  my  friends,  Italy  is  one  of  the  coming  powers 
of  Europe  to-day.  Her  voice  is  potent,  and  will  be  more 
potent  as  the  years  pass  by.  She  has  entered  upon  a new  life. 
She  has  to-day  nearly  30,000,000  of  people,  and  has,  in  my 
judgment,  the  most  sagacious  ruler  in  all  Europe,  King  Hum- 
bert. She  has  a great  navy ; she  is  reaching  out  for  commerce 
in  a way  that  this  great  American  people  never  has  dared  to 
try.  I went  into  a cotton  factory.  A great  many  people  of 
the  United  States  hardly  know  that  Italy  has  entered  upon 
cotton  manufacture.  But  King  Humbert  says  : “ I have  millions 
of  people  here  without  work,  sleeping  in  the  streets” — as  I have 
seen  them  by  the  scores,  and  as  some  of  you  have — men  and 
women  lying  down  on  the  curbstone,  with  no  homes.  King 
Humbert  is  sagacious  enough  to  say  : “ If  I am  going  to  have 
a great  Italy,  a great  nation,  I must  have  it  a nation  of  workers, 
and  of  men  who  can  live  in  homes  with  their  families  around 
them.”  And  King  Humbert  is  doing  everything  in  his  power 
to  build  up  Italy  as  a manufacturing  nation ; and  they  have 
commenced  on  cotton  mills.  The  agent  of  this  cotton  mill 
happened  to  be  a German  who  could  talk  English  enough  for 
me  to  understand.  I was  fortunate.  I inquired  about  his 
operatives.  He  said  they  were  first-class  workmen ; good 
people ; they  did  not  understand  machinery  very  well,  but 
they  were  good  people  to  work,  both  men  and  women.  Said  I : 

‘ ‘ What  are  the  average  wages  you  pay  in  your  cotton  mill  here 
in  Naples?”  “Well,”  said  he,  “I  pay  on  the  average  about 
$4  a week.”  Well,  that  was  the  old  cry,  and  I didn’t  believe 
it.  Said  I : “ Will  you  be  kind  enough  to  tell  me  how  you 

make  your  average?”  “Yes,”  said  he  ; “I  have  to  put  about 
two  skilful  men  in  each  room,  because  Italians  do  not  know 
much  about  machinery,  and  those  men  are  Englishmen ; I am 
obliged  to  pay  them  little  better  than  English  wages,  in  order 
to  get  them,  and  I pay  them  about  $7  or  $8  a week.”  “Well,” 
said  I,  “ what  do  you  pay  the  rest?”  “I  pay  my  women  from 
15  to  18  and  20  cents  a day,  and  my  men  from  35  to  45  cents 
a day.”  That  is  the  way  he  got  his  average.  Now,  there  was 
not  a score  of  men  there  working  for  $7  or  $8  a week,  not  a 
score.  And  that  is  true,  as  Mr.  Porter  knows,  in  England,  in 
Scotland,  in  Ireland,  in  Germany,  and  everywhere  else  where 
you  undertake  to  find  out  the  wages.  They  will  pick  out  and 
say,  “We  pay  from  $3  a week  up  to  $15.”  And  you  get  to 
the  bottom  of  it  and  you  will  find  they  have  got  two  men  at 


9 


$15  a week  and  2,000  at  $3  a week.  So  that  the  great  bulk, 
the  90  out  of  a hundred  at  work  in  this  cotton  mill,  were  at 
work  for  20  cents  a day,  for  four  out  of  five  in  the  mill  were 
women.  How  will  that  be  for  competition  when  Italy  gets  to 
100  mills  or  200  mills?  Will  you  then  look  at  Italy  and 
make  inquiries  as  to  labor  there  ? 

I went  into  the  quarry,  not  the  quarry,  but  where  they  were 
manufacturing  the  granite  and  marble  which  had  been  quarried. 
I found  that  the  average  rate  of  wages  of  the  men  was  from  40 
to  50  cents  per  day,  the  most  skilled  getting  50  cents  ; and  that 
they  regard  as  a high  price.  Four  dollars  a day  here  for  the 
same  man.  I asked  my  driver — I hunted  a long  while  to  find 
one  who  could  talk  English,  and  I found  one  who  could  a 
little — I asked  him  what  he  got,  and  he  said  he  got  30  cents  a 
day  and  the  little  nips,  pour  boires,  strangers  gave  him.  A 
pour  boire  in  Italy  is  about  three  cents,  I should  judge.  I 
went  out  with  him  a great  many  times,  and  he  always  carried 
his  dinner  with  him.  Here  is  a free  trader’s  cheap  living.  I 
asked  him  three  times  to  show  me  his  dinner,  and  he  showed  it 
tome,  and  every  time  it  was  macaroni  and  grease.  “But  he 
was  happy,  was  he  not?”  says  the  free  trader.  The  happiest 
man  I ever  saw  in  my  life.  But  do  you  want  your  laboring 
men  and  women  to  live  on  macaroni  and  grease  and  be  happy  ? 
(Laughter.) 

I went  up  to  Venice  and  went  into  the  government  lace 
factory  there.  Fortunately,  there  I found  a man  in  charge  who 
could  talk  English,  and  he  was  very  communicative  too  — 
about  the  only  one  I found  in  all  Europe  who  would  answer 
my  questions  when  I asked  them.  I went  over  the  establish- 
ment. It  had  been  long  established.  He  showed  me  first  the 
work,  and  it  was  superlatively  magnificent — laces  from  $5  to 
$400  a yard.  I then  went  into  the  workshop.  There  were, 
perhaps,  200  or  300  women  and  girls  at  work.  I spent  two  or 
three  hours  with  him  looking  through  the  concern.  I finally 
settled  upon  one  woman  who  was  doing  remarkable  work.  She 
was  apparently  about  70  years  of  age,  but  did  not  turn  out  to 
be,  I think,  over  60.  She  was  working  at  a piece  of  thread 
lace.  My  recollection  is  that  she  was  using  200  bobbins  at  a 
time.  She  would  move  them  with  a swiftness  of  speed  that  I 

could  hardly  see  them  when  they  moved.  Said  I : “ Mr. , 

that  woman  is  very  expert.”  Said  he:  “She  is  the  most 
expert  woman  in  this  factory ; that  woman  has  worked  here  40 
years.”  Well,  I remembered  it.  I then  went  into  his  office,  and 
said  I ; “Will  you  be  kind  enough  to  show  me  your  pay-roll?” 


10 


Said  he  : ‘‘I  will,  with  pleasure;  I have  nothing  to  conceal.” 
He  showed  me  his  pay-roll.  “Now,”  said  I,  “ point  me  out 
the  name  of  the  woman  whom  I saw  working  there,  who  had 
worked  there  40  years.”  He  pointed  it  out.  How  much  do 
you  suppose  was  the  most  that  woman  succeeded  in  making  a 
day?  Twelve  cents,  and  the  average  11 J cents.  And  the 
average  earnings  of  the  women  in  that  mill  were  10  cents  a day, 
and  of  the  girls,  six  and  seven  cents.  They  may  go  into  a 
cotton  mill  by  and  by,  and  then  you  will  be  interested  in  their 
wages  in  Massachusetts. 

You  can  go  out  there  in  Venice  and  hire  a gondola  that  cost 
nearly  $200  or  $250,  and  a gondolier,  elegantly  dressed,  four 
men  can  hire  him  and  pay  for  ten  hours  of  hard  work  one 
dollar.  How  much  does  the  gondolier  get  of  that  dollar?  The 
Lord  knows  ; I could  not  find  out.  That  gondolier  may  be  at 
work  in  a shop  in  Italy  before  you  know  it,  making  machinery. 
They  are  as  fine-looking  a set  of  men  as  you  can  find  in  the 
United  States  of  America, — patriotic,  too.  Why,  you  look  at 
that  Italian  army  of  500,000  men,  and  there  is  not  an  army  in 
all  Europe,  in  my  opinion,  superior  in  its  material ; and  what 
do  they  get?  Two  dollars  a month.  (Laughter.)  Well, 
what  do  you  suppose  they  get  in  Germany.  Two  dollars  and 
a half ; and  a lieutenant  gets  the  enormous  sum  of  $150  a year. 
That  is  an  indication  of  wages  in  Europe.  Why,  you  may 
go  in  Venice  into  one  of  those  shops  where  they  make  that 
beautiful  jewelry,  — no,  £0  into  that  shop  where  I went,  where 
they  make  this  magnificent  Venetian  glass  ; take  the  pay-roll, 
and  you  may  start  with  the  overseer.  I think,  — not,  perhaps, 
with  the  superintendent,  but  with  the  next  man  to  the  superin- 
tendent, — and  follow  it  away  down  through,  and  there  is  not  a 
single  man  except  the  blower  who  gets  over  one  dollar  a day  ; 
and  you  may  hunt  all  Europe  through  to-day  on  their  pay- 
rolls, and  it  is  only  once  perhaps  in  100  names  that  you  can 
find  a man  who  is  getting  one  dollar  a day. 

Every  inch  of  Italy  is  farmed,  as  you  may  well  suppose,  to 
support  30,000,000  of  people.  You  may  take  every  man, 
woman,  and  child  there  is  in  the  United  States  to-day, — 
60,000,000, — add  15,000,000  to  them,  and  drop  them  right 
down  in  the  single  State  of  Texas,  and  it  would  not  be  as 
thickly  populated  as  Italy  is  to-day.  So  they  farm  every  inch 
of  land,  away  to  the  tops  of  the  mountains,  where  there  is  a 
bit  of  soil.  The  women  do  it.  I have  seen  twenty  women  in 
one  field.  They  employ  from  six  to  eight  persons  on  an  acre 
of  land  where  we  do  not  employ  more  than  one.  What  are 


11 


their  wages?  From  fifteen  to  eighteen  cents  a clay,  working 
the  livelong  day  in  the  hot  sun.  If  with  a hoe,  with  one  of 
these  old-fashioned  stub  hoes  that  would  weigh  from  three  to 
four  pounds,  with  a handle  nearly  as  large  as  that  bottle,  — 
not  half  so  exhilarating  as  that  bottle  was.  (Applause.)  The 
President  desires  me  to  say  that  this  is  an  Appollinaris  bottle, 
as  it  sets  right  in  front  of  him.  (Laughter.)  I was  through 
there  in  haying  time,  and  the  women  did  the  haying ; they  did 
it  with  a scythe  like  our  own  bushwhacker,  as  we  call  it,  only 
about  three  inches  wider  than  that.  Suppose  in  a short  time 
they  get  our  agricultural  implements  in  Italy,  that  will  free 
from  that  sort  of  labor  four  out  of  five  who  are  at  work  at  it, 
and  they  can  go  into  the  cotton  mills  and  the  silk  mills  to  work 
against  your  people  at  fifteen  to  eighteen  cents  a day. 


A reliable  home  market  is  the  best  of  ail  markets.  People 
consume  more  when  prosperous  than  when  poverty  stricken. 
Our  fifty-five  millions  of  prosperous  Americans  afford  a better 
market  than  any  other  250  millions  in  the  world.  As  a con- 
sumer, every  American  is,  undoubtedly,  equal  to  more  than 
a dozen  Chinese. 


Go  up  to  Switzerland.  I was  at  Interlachen,  and  I stopped 
at  an  elegant  hotel.  I remember  Jungfrau  was  right  in  front 
of  me.  I remember,  too,  there  was  a very  elegant  garden  and 
grounds  splendidly  laid  out,  splendidly  taken  care  of.  I saw 
a young  man  there  who  was  at  work  from  early  in  the  morning 
till  late  at  night,  and  I found  that  he  was  the  landscape  gar- 
dener. I said : 44  Mr.  Landlord,  I want  to  know  what  you 
pay  that  man.  He  is  a good  man,  is  he  not?”  44  Yes,”  said 
he,  44lie  is  splendid.”  Said  I:  44  What  do  you  pay  him?” 
“I  pay  him  eighty  dollars  a year  and  he  boards  himself,  I 
giving  him  a few  vegetables.”  (Laughter.)  44  Well,”  said  I, 
“what  do  you  pay  those  fellows  that  help  him?”  “Well,” 
said  he,  44  that  fellow  who  is  working  there  I pay  thirty-five 
cents  a day,  and  I can  hire  just  as  many  as  I want  for  thirty 
cents  a day.”  His  immense  herd  of  cattle  had  that  morning 
started  for  the  mountains,  inhere  they  would  stay  the  livelong 
summer  through,  and  away  into  the  fall,  so  long  as  the  grass 
was  green  on  the  mountain  side,  going  gradually  up  the  moun- 
tain as  they  ate  the  grass  below.  Herdsmen  were  put  in 


12. 


charge  of  the  cattle,  lived  in  little  huts  on  the  mountain  side, 
stayed  there,  and  made  butter  and  cheese  the  whole  season 
through.  Said  I:  “What  do  you  pay  your  herdsmen?” 
Said  he : “ Forty  cents  a day  is  a heavy  price  to  pay  herds- 
men, but  I think  a good  deal  of  my  cows.”  (Laughter.)  Go 
into  a Swiss  silk  factory,  and  you  will  find  there,  competing 
with  your  silk  manufacturers  of  the  United  States,  women 
working  for  an  average  of  twenty  cents  a day,  and  you  will 
find  men  working  for  forty-one  cents  a day,  — skilled  laborers, 
too,  in  that  manufacture. 

Step  up  to  Belgium.  Belgium  is  a perfect  bee-hive.  It  is 
about  one-third  the  size  of  the  State  of  Maine  in  territory,  and 
has  6,000,000  of  people, — more  people  to  the  square  mile 
than  any  other  country  in  Europe.  And  they  seem  to  love 
to  work.  Why,  the  manufacturing  of  Belgium  is  perfectly 
amazing.  Did  you  know  she  was  frightening  England  to-day 
out  of  her  boots  ? Did  you  know  that  she  compelled  Adam- 
son, only  about  twelve  days  ago,  the  president  of  the  British 
Steel  and  Iron  Association,  in  his  inaugural  speech,  made  in 
Manchester,  in  that  free  trade  country,  to  say  that  unless  Eng- 
land protected  her  steel  and  iron  manufacturers  against  the 
competition  of  Belgium  by  law,  England  would  be  driven  to 
the  wall  in  the  business?  (Applause.)  Did  you  know  that 
she  sold  steel  and  iron  rails  right  under  the  nose  of  the  British 
lion  within  the  last  year,  until  Parliament  spent  almost  a whole 
half  day,  forgot  the  Irish  question,  and  talked  about  Belgium 
and  Belgian  iron ? (Laughter.) 

Well,  how  about  wages  in  Belgium?  I went  into  a lace 
factory  in  Brussels,  — the  first  place  I went  to,, — and  I saw 
women  at  work  there  precisely  as  they  worked  in  Venice.  I was 
able  to  get  information  there,  and  I found  that  the  women  there 

— skilled  workers  — earned  twenty  cents  a day.  The  wages 
in  Belgium  are- better  than  the  wages  in  Italy  or  Switzerland, 
and  about  equal  to  the  wages,  in  my  judgment,  as  near  as  I 
could  learn,  in  Germany  and  France,  — I think  a little  better 
than  the  wages  in  Germany  to-day.  In  the  cotton  factory  in 
Belgium  they  pay  their  women  from  twenty  to  twenty-five 
cents  a day,  and  their  men  from  forty  to  sixty  cents  a day. 
You  may  go  into  the  great  steel  and  iron  manufactory,  and 
you  cannot  find  on  the  pay-roll  of  the  whole  concern  a single 
laboring  man  whose  daily  pay  amounts  to  eighty  cents  a day, 

— not  one;  and  they  run  down  to  forty  cents.  The  women 
do  all  the  farming  in  Belgium,  and  they  do  it  for  from  sixteen 
to  eighteen  and  twenty  cents  a day. 


* 


13 


Go  up  to  Germany.  I went  first  into  Munich.  And  on  the 
first  voyage  of  discovery  I made  I saw  about  a score  of  women, 
with  an  awkward-looking  saw  and  a singular-looking  block  for 
the  wood  to  rest  on,  sawing  wood  in  the  streets  of  Munich,  and 
carrying  it  on  their  backs  into  the  stores.  I had  seen  women 
doing  almost  everything  in  Italy  and  Belgium,  but  I had  not 
seen  them  doing  anything  like  that,  and  it  struck  me  as  re- 
markable. And,  by  the  way,  the  women  bear  the  burden  in 
Europe,  everywhere.  I,  having  a curiosity  to  know  about  that 
business,  went  off  and  hunted  up  an  interpreter.  Said  I,  “I 
want  you  to  go  with  me  out  on  the  streets.  I wish  to  know 
about  this  business  that  is  going  on  out  here.  Why,  I saw 
women  sawing  wood  ! ” 44  Oh,  nonsense  ! that  don’t  amount  to 
anything.”  44  But,”  said  I,  44 1 wish  to  know  about  it.  Go 
with  me.”  He  went  with  me.  44  Now,”  said  I,  44  you  ask 
that  woman”  (she  was  about  fifty  years  of  age,  stout,  healthy 
looking) , 44  sawing  this  wood,  cord  wood,  into  about  three  sticks 
each,  ask  that  woman  what  she  gets  a day.”  He  asked  her. 
She  said  she  got,  — she  didn’t  say  fifteen  cents,  of  course,  but 
translated  into  English,  it  was  fifteen  cents  a day ; but  that  she 
could  not  work  all  day,  because  she  had  to  go  home  and  see  to 
the  children ; she  could  make  twenty  cents  a day  if  she  could 
work  all  day.  I said  to  him,  44  Ask  her,  in  heaven’s  name, 
how  many  children  she  has,  and  how  she  takes  care  of  them.” 
She  said  she  had  six.  44  How  does  she  take  care  of  them  with 
fifteen  cents  a day  ? ” 44  Oh,”  she  said,  44 1 get  the  first  wash- 

ings of  that  restaurant,”  pointing  to  a hotel,  44  for  ten  cents  a 
day,  and  that  feeds  them.”  Does  the  free  trader  in  Massachu- 
setts want  his  women  to  work  ten  hours  a day,  take  care  offsix 
children,  and  buy  of  a restaurant  the  first  washings  to  feed  her 
children  with  ? 

I saw  a very  intelligent  man  in  Germany,  who  had  studied 
the  subject  of  wages  there,  and  I asked  him  if  he  would  talk 
with  me.  He  said  he  would.  Said  he,  44 1 will  talk  with  you 
freely.  I know  what  you  desire,  and  I wish  to  tell  you  that 
work  is  not  in  a fair  condition  to-day  in  Germany,  although 
you  see  they  are  building  mills  everywhere.”  Said  I,  44 1 do, 
and  they  look  prosperous.”  44  Well,”  said  he,  44  Manufactur- 
ing is  not  so  good  as  it  might  be,  even  in  Germany.  There  are 
some  manufacturers  in  Germany  without  souls,  and  they  are 
actually  hiring  men  and  women  to-day  for  anything  they  have 
a mind  to  pay  them.  They  are  paying,  in  one  factory  I know 
of,  women  twenty  cents  a day  for  their  work,  while  the  aver- 
age they  pay  men  in  Germany  is  not  over  fifty  cents  a day.” 


14 


I am  aware  that  the  “ Boston  Herald”  makes  this  a knock- 
down argument  against  protection.  (Laughter.)  The  other 
day  I saw  an  article  in  the  paper,  and  it  said,  “ Look  at  it ! 
See  the  fact ! Here  is  Germany  paying  lower  wages  to-day 
than  free  trade  England.  Does  not  that  show  conclusively 
that  protection  does  not  protect  labor?”  Why,  how  absurd 
an  argument!  Does  not  the  “Boston  Herald”  know  that 
there  is  something  in  the  very  air  of  this  free  country  which 
makes  men  aspire  ? Does  not  that  paper  know  that  Germany 
to-day  is  a despotism  where  the  Reichstag,  elected  for  three 
years,  if  it  does  not  do  the  will  of  the  despot,  is  dispersed, 
though  its  life  had  only  been  one  year  ? Does  not  that  paper 
know  that  under  a despotism  the  people  cannot  be  elastic,  can- 
not obtain  their  rights,  cannot  acquire  the  privileges  they  can 
obtain  and  acquire  under  a free  and  independent  government 
like  ours? 

Then,  again,  the  question  may  not  be,  does  protection,  pe \ 
se , increase  wages.  Of  course  it  increases  wages  in  but  one 
way.  It  encourages  men  like  you  to  invest  your  money  in 
manufacturing.  You  build  great  mills  here  and  there ; you 
have  competition.  That  makes  a demand  for  labor.  A de- 
mand for  labor  makes  high  price  of  wages.  Now  we  have  high 
price  of  wages,  twice  as  high  as  any  other  country  on  the  face 
of  this  earth.  Is  not  the  maintaining  of  these  high  wages 
worth  something  ? Does  not  the  ‘ ‘ Boston  Herald  ” know  that 
protection  does  maintain  the  high  wages  that  we  have  ? May 
not  the  contest  in  the  next  twenty  years,  even  in  America,  be  : 
How  shall  we  maintain  our  present  high  wages?  If  it  is,  can- 
not any  man  see  that  the  protective  tariff  is  certain  to  assist  in 
that  beneficent  result,  and  that  free  trade  would  simply  drag 
those  wages  down  to  European  wages?  And,  oh,  T\hat  a fear- 
ful thing  that  would  be  for  our  people.  Why,  our  whole 
people  consume  to-day  twice  as  much  meat  and  grain,  reckon- 
ing potatoes  four  bushels  to  a bushel  of  grain,  as  any  people  on 
this  earth  except  Great  Britain.  It  is  an  absolute  necessity 
for  them  to-day.  The  comforts  which  our  laboring  people 
enjoy  to-day  in  America  are  just  as  much  necessities  of  life  as 
the  macaroni  of  the  Italian  is  a necessity  for  him.  When  you 
undertake  by  free  trade  to  drag  these  workmen  of  ours  down 
to  the  level  of  Italians,  Germans,  Frenchmen  and  Belgians  in 
wages,  to  make  them  live  as  they  live,  you  have  done  a wicked 
and’ cruel  wrong  to  these  people,  which  no  amount  of  good  or 
profit  to  employers  can  justify.  (Applause.) 

But  in  order  to  show  that  the  tariff  does  something  even  in 


15 


Germany,  I wish  to  cite  to  you  the  report  both  as  to  the  amount 
of  wages  paid  in  Germany,  and  as  to  the  advance  caused  by 
protection  there,  made  by  the  German  Statistical  Bureau  this 
year. 

“Replies  have  been  received  from  233,  chiefly  large,  iron 
works  and  engineering  establishments,  94  of  which  are  owned 
by  limited  companies,  from  all  parts  of  Germany.  From  the 
figures  of  January,  1879”  — 

I will  not  read  the  figures,  but  these  figures  show  that  the 
number  of  workmen  increased  in  eight  years  by  38,000,  or  30 
per  cent.,  the  monthly  wages  by  30,058,765  marks,  or  39  per 
cent.  In  1879,  consequently,  each  workman  earned  on  an 
averaget61.83  marks  per  month,  or  rather  under  15  shil- 
lings a week.  Now  there  is  a commentary  on  German  wages. 
Mind  you,  these  are  the  wages  of  men  where  they  command 
the  very  highest  wages,  in  iron  and  steel;  and  yet,  in  1879 
they  did  not  earn  $4  a week  from  233  establishments.  Now, 
what  effect  did  the  tariff  have  ? The  tariff  increased  it  in  Jan- 
uary, 1887,  to  66.17  marks,  a fraction  over  16  shillings  and 
6 pence,  so  they  earned  over  $4.  There  has  been  an  increase 
of  30,000  employes,  and  that  had  resulted  in  an  increase  of  a 
shilling  and  a half  a week  in  wages.  Suppose  it  resulted  in 
doubling  the  number  of  employes  and  you  had  360,000  more, 
would  not  the  ratio  of  increased  wages  be  still  greater,  because 
the  demand  is  still  greater?  And  is  not  the  energy  displayed 
by  Germany  to-day  in  manufacturing  enterprises  the  result  of 
their  German  tariff  ? 

I learned  from  this  gentleman  I alluded  to  a moment  ago, 
that  in  his  opinion,  from  careful  investigation,  the  earnings  of 
the  men  in  Germany  would  not  average  $115  a year,  — not 
over  that,  — and  that  the  women  would  not  average  over  $50  a 
year.  Now  there  are  families  to  be  supported  out  of  that 
$115.  Another  man  I talked  with  put  it  that  in  Prussia  the 
average  earnings  of  men  are  not  over  $105  a year.  I do  not 
know  what  my  friend  Porter  found.  He  found  great  difficulty 
in  discovering  what  wages  were  in  Europe,  I know  that.  They 
refused  me  admission  in  more  than  a dozen  establishments  ; they 
would  not  answer  any  questions,  or  if  they  did,  they  would  not 
tell  the  truth.  They  do  not  like  to  have  it  known  what  the 
wages  ^are  in  Europe. 

Now  cross  over  to  England,  to  Scotland  and  to  Ireland. 
Take  Ireland  ; you  know  that  it  is  in  a fearful  condition,  with- 
out anybody  telling  you.  You  know  that  you  cannot  ride 
through  the  western  part  of  Ireland  without  hundreds  of 


16 


children,  men  and  women  following  your  carriage  for  miles, 
asking  for  a penny  to  get  food  to  appease  hunger.  You  know 
there  are  thousands  and  tens  of  thousands  of  people  in  Ireland 
to-day  right  on  the  ragged  edge  of  starvation.  You  may 
imagine  the  state  of  affairs  where  there  are  thousands  and 
hundreds  of  thousands  of  men  and  women  who  cannot  find 
employment.  Why,  there  were  250,000  little  holdings  in  Ire- 
land, of  five  acres  each  and  under,  holdings  under  landlords. 
How  did  they  pay  the}r  rent?  Why,  for  six,  eight  or  ten 
years  they  used  to  go  over  to  England  and  Scotland,  hire  out 
to  the  farmers  for  the  summer,  earn  a few  pounds,  save  it  and 
take  it  home  to  pay  their  rent,  while  their  wives  and  little  chil- 
dren were  cultivating  the  half  acre,  the  acre  or  two  acres  of 
land  they  rented.  You  know  as  well  as  I do  that  that  is  all 
cut  off,  and  that  there  cannot  an  Irishman  hire  out  to  do  farm- 
ing in  Scotland  or  England  to-day.  You  know  as  well  as  I do 
that  American  competition  has  killed  agriculture  in  England, 
and  Ireland,  and  Scotland,  that  the  people  out  of  employ  there 
are  as  thick  as  blackberries,  that  women  do  farm  work  in  Ire- 
land for  16  to  18  cents  a day,  and  are  glad  to  get  it. 


4sr  W©  do  know  that  under  a protective  tariff  wages  are 
higher  in  this  country  than  in  any  other  country  in  the  world. 
Do  you  want  this  changed  ? Do  you  want  to  have  the  experiment 
of  free  trade  tried,  when  your  wages  are  so  much  higher  than 
in  free  trade  countries? 


Take  England.  My  opinion,  from  the  best  sources  I could 
reach  in  England,  is  that  the  average  wages  there  are  not  one 
half  of  the  average  wages  in  the  United  States  of  America.  I 
was  up  in  Manchester  and  made  some  inquiries  there.  They 
told  me  that  in  Manchester  there  were  nearly  90,000  women 
at  work  in  cotton  mills,  two  thirds  of  the  work  being  done  by 
women,  and  that  those  women  were  not  averaging  $60  a year 
for  their  wages.  Mind  you,  you  must  count  out  holidays,  sick 
days,  feasts,  fairs,  saints’  days,  and  all  that  sort  of  thing;  and 
when  you  come  down  to  the  net  at  the  end  of  the  year  you 
will  find  that  the  English  laborer  is  getting  but  a mere  baga- 
telle. The  men  in  England  are  not  averaging,  according  to 
the  best  light  I could  get,  over  $125  or  $135  a year. 


17 


Am  I talking  too  long?  (Applause,  and  cries  of  “ No,”  and 
“Go  on.”) 

Take  Scotland,  which  is  a fair  test  of  wages  in  England.  I 
was  in  Glasgow,  and  I felt  a profound  interest  in  the  Clyde. 
It  had  been  hurled  at  my  head  more  than  a thousand  times 
since  I have  been  in  Congress, — the  Clyde  and  the  shipbuild- 
ing'of  the  Clyde,  that  they  could  "beat  us,  that  we  were  handi- 
capped with  the  tariff,  and  all  that  sort  of  thing.  So  I took  a 
deep  interest  in  the  Clyde.  I went  up  to  the  Longloam  Iron 
Works.  They  cover  thirty-five  acres  of  ground  ; they  are  right 
near  to  the  coal  and  the  iron ; the  average  haul  of  the  coal  is 
two  miles,  and  the  average  cost  of  the  coal  delivered  is  five 
shillings  a ton ; the  blast  furnaces  are  seven  in  number  and  the 
average  product  is  300  tons  of  pig  iron  a day.  What  are  the 
wages?  Laborers  from  two  shillings  and  two  pence  to  two 
shillings  and  six  pence  a day.  What  would  a Pittsburg  laborer 
say  to  that?  Skilled  labor,  three  shillings  to  seven  shillings, 
and  more  of  them  at  three  than  at  seven.  Coal  miners,  $5.59 
to  $5.88  a week,  and  board  themselves.  Iron  miners,  from 
$5.34  to  $5.59  a week.  Pit  hand  foreman,  — that  is  one  of  the 
high-priced  fellows,  one  of  the  aristocrats — (laughter)  — from 
$6.25  to  $6.32  a week.  Wages  have  decreased  for  five  years 
in  Glasgow.  And  Bright  said,  in  a speech  that  he  made,  — 
and  I stole  this  from  Mr.  Porter,  as  I do  most  every  good 
thing  that  I say  (laughter)  — Bright  said  in  a speech  that  he 
made,  that  in  Glasgow  alone  41,000  families  out  of  every 
100,000  lived  each  in  one  room.  And  I should  say,  from  my 
observation,  that  half  the  men  and  women  in  Glasgow  to-day 
were  out  of  work.  Now  what  could  you  expect  wages  to  be? 
And  the  same  is  true  in  England. 

I was  in  Liverpool  for  ten  days,  and  almost  every  day  went 
to  look  over  those  docks.  I could  whistle  Yankee  Doodle 
almost  all  over  Europe,  but  when  I struck  these  docks  I was 
silent.  I do  believe  they  beat  anything  in  the  United  States 
or  in  the  world.  I was  unusually  attracted  to  them,  and  in 
the  habit  of  going  down  there  mornings  and  afternoons.  I am 
safe  in  saying  that  I have  seen  500  able-bodied  men,  looking- 
hungry,  as  a hungry  man  looks,  stalking  about  those  docks  and 
begging  for  a little  work,  not  getting  it ; coming  down  — after 
dinner,  1 was  going  to  say  — coming  down  after  the  time  men 
ordinarily  eat  dinner,  their  numbers  augmented,  and  beseech- 
ing again  for  work,  ten  cents  worth,  twenty  cents  worth,  “ any 
work,  for  God’s  sake,  and  to  feed  my  children.”  How  can 
wages  be  high  where  that  thing  endures? 


18 


But  I am  not  going  to  weary  your  patience.  I have  spent 
enough  of  your  time  on  the  question  of  what  wages  are  worth 
in  Europe.  I say,  from  all  my  observations  made  there,  and 
they  were  made  as  carefully  as  I could  make  them,  and  in  all 
honesty  of  purpose,  there  is  only  one  country  in  Europe  that 
comes  within  one  half  of  our  wages,  and  that  is  Great  Britain ; 
that  in  Germany,  France,  Belgium  and  Switzerland,  they  are 
not  one  third  of  our  wages,  and  in  Italy  not  one  quarter. 
Now,  if  labor  is  the  factor  I said  it  was,  I ask  you  what  you 
are  going  to  do  about  that  ? If  it  ever  was  a factor  of  import- 
ance, it  is  infinitely  more  important  to-day.  Why?  John 
Bright,  fifty  years  ago,  made  a speech  in  Parliament  in  which  he 
rather  congratulated  the  English  nation  on  the  fact  that  America 
was  an  independent  people.  He  said  that  the  trade  of  Great 
Britain  with  the  United  States  independent  was  worth  a great 
deal  more  than  it  would  have  been  if  the  United  States  had 
remained  a British  colony ; and  then  he  added  this  : Said  he, 
“On  all  the  merchandise  you  have  exported  to  the  United 
States  of  America  during  the  last  thirty  years,  your  merchants 
and  manufacturers  have  averaged  forty  per  cent  net  profit.” 
Well,  now  forty  per  cent  net  profit,  fifty  years  ago,  was  pretty 
good  protection  for  a man  who  wanted  to  go  to  manufacturing 
in  the  United  States.  But  under  the  beneficence  of  the  tariff 
we  went  to  manufacturing,  and  to-day  the  net  profit  of  English 
manufactures  in  the  United  States  can  be  counted  on  the  fingers, 
1 guess  (laughter) , for  I understand  they  sold  steel  here  in  the 
United* States  for  nine  pence  a pound  which  they  sell  at  home 
for  twelve  and  a half  pence,  and  paid  the  duties  besides ; I 
understand  that  to  be  the  fact.  So  that  they  are  not  making 
this  profit  to-day. 

Again,  you  and  I can  remember  when  England  was  an  im- 
mense distance  away  from  us,  when  Italy  seemed  to  be  away  back 
in  the  dark  ages,  when  Belgium  was  equally  unknown  to  us,  and 
Germany  was  a kind  of  a myth  in  the  distance.  But  now  all  the 
nations  of  the  earth  lock  arms,  we  are  close  together,  side  by  side, 
and  they  can  pour  their  manufactured  goods  on  to  you  to-day  in 
ten  days’  time.  Why,  Manchester  to-day  is  nearer  to  you  than 
San  Francisco  is  in  time,  and  in  freight  it  is  three  times  as 
near.  So  that  in  the  matters  of  freight,  distance,  communica- 
tion, telegraph  and  everything  else,  — and  this  extends  not 
alone  to  the  seaboard,  but  away  into  the  interior  of  these 
countries,  — here  we  are,  locked  right  up,  elbow  to  elbow,  and 
that  makes  this  matter  of  cheap  labor  of  infinitely  greater  im- 
portance than  it  was  fifty  years  ago,  and  it  is  growing  more 


19 


important  every  moment  of  time.  Now  what  are  you  Ameri- 
cans going  to  do  about  it  ? Are  you  going  to  allow  men  who 
call  themselves  reformers,  men  who  pretend  to  believe  in  free 
trade,  — an  utter  absurdity,  no  nation  believes  in  it,  — are  you 
going  to  allow  them  to  strike  at  your  home  market?  Instead 
of  giving  Europe  $180,000,000  of  your  market  as  you  did  last 
year,  are  you  going  to  give  up  to  them  $400,000,000  or 
$600,000,000?  Will  you  allow  these  reformers  to  carry  out 
the  purpose  which  they  now  so  freely  express  ? Will  you  do 
it  ? They  say  you  have  duties  to-day  which  are  almost  pro- 
hibitory, and  it  is  not  very  often  that  you  find  a tariff  man  who 
does  not  admit  that  the  duties  are  high.  Now  that  is  a most 
singular  thing.  Why  have  not  the  tariff  men  the  courage  of 
their  convictions?  Is  the  duty  on  fine  muslins  and  lace  and 
curtain  stuff  too  high  when  under  it  we  imported  last  year 
$29,000,000  worth  into  your  market  where  the  cotton  is  grown, 
and  where  you  can  make  it  as  well  as  they?  And  yet  you 
never  hear  a man  who  talks  about  reforming  your  tariff  talk 
about  increasing  the  duty,  it  is  about  decreasing  the  duties  all 
the  time. 

Now  I have  to  say  this,  I do  not  know,  myself,  why  the 
tariff  needs  revision.  I do  know  why  the  views  of  the  present 
administration  need  revision.  (Applause.)  I have  heard 
the  men  who  are  free-traders,  and  all  the  men  who  are 
reformers,  or  claim  to  be,  insist  upon  revision ; and  I know 
that  the  Democratic  party  in  Congress  has  been  trying  to 
revise  it  for  the  last  fifteen  years.  If  it  is  to  be  revised,  — 
and  heaven  forbid  that  the  work  be  entered  upon,  — I wish  to 
see  some  of  the  duties  increased.  (Applause.)  I wish  to  see 
a duty  put  on  silk  that  will  prevent  31,250,000  yards  being 
imported  into  this  country.  I wish  to  see  duties  placed  on 
woolen  goods  that  will  prevent  $44,900,000  worth  being 
brought  into  this  country.  I wfish  to  see  a duty  laid  on  the 
manufactures  of  iron  and  steel  that  will  prevent  $49,250,000 
worth  of  their  manufactured  goods  being  purchased  by  us.  If 
these  gentlemen  will  undertake  the  revision  of  the  tariff,  do  it 
honestly  and  fairly,  decreasing  duties  where  it  is  apparent  they 
ought  to  be  decreased  because  they  afford  more  than  protection 
enough,  and  increasing  where  it  can  be  made  perfectly  plain 
that  they  do  not  sufficiently  protect  American  manufacturers 
and  American  laborers ; then  I will  go  in  for  the  revision  of 
the  tariff’.  (Applause.)  But  I am  not  willing  to  leave  that 
revision  in  the  hands  of  its  enemies,  of  those  who  propose  to 
cut  down  everything  just  so  far  as  it  can  be.  (Applause.) 


20 


But  they  say  there  is  a surplus  that  must  be  taken  care  of. 
I know  there  is  a surplus.  I wish  I was  autocrat  and  had  con- 
trol of  the  United  States  of  America  for  about  ten  years  ; they 
would  not  complain  of  any  surplus.  (Applause  and  laughter.) 
What  is  the  necessity  for  a surplus  in  the  United  States  of 
America  to-day?  They  say  it  is  $100,000,000.  Why  don’t 
they  expend  that  $100,000,000  where  every  dollar  of  it  will 
do  good  to  the  republic ? (Applause.)  How?  Put  $10,000,- 

000  a year  into  the  subvention  of  American  steamers  and 
American  ships.  (Applause.)  I saw  one  ship  carrying  the 
American  flag  in  all  my  trip  abroad,  and  only  one.  And  yet, 
the  time  was  when  we  boasted  that  our  flag  was  omnipotent 
and  omnipresent,  on  every  sea  and  on  every  ocean.  What 
would  be  $10,000,000  a year  for  ten  years  to  restore  our  pres- 
tige on  the  sea?  Again,  what  would  be  $10,000,000  a year, 
if  it  would  enable  the  manufacturers  and  merchants  of  this 
republic  to  send  their  goods  and  merchandise  in  American 
ships  directly  to  those  countries  to  the  south  of  us  that  are 
ready  to  receive  them  with  open  arms?  (Applause.)  Who  in 
this  enlightened  audience  would  object  to  spending  $10,000,000 
a year  to  educate  the  men  who  vote  our  tickets  in  this  republic  ? 

1 voted  against  the  last  bill  which  appropriated  $70,000,000. 
Why?  Because  I disliked  some  of  the  provisions  of  the  bill; 
I feared  it  did  not  give  security  enough  for  the  expenditure  of 
the  money  ; in  fact,  to  be  honest,  I have  not  a great  deal  of  the 
Massachusetts  gush  about  the  South  in  my  heart.  (Laughter 
and  applause.)  When  men  won’t  let  their  fellow  men  vote, 
drive  them  away  from  the  polls  and  murder  them  if  it  is  neces- 
sary to  keep  them  away,  refuse  to  count  their  ballots  after  they 
are  cast,  I will  not  trust  them  with  the  expenditure  of  money 
to  educate  those  voters  any  farther  than  I am  compelled  to. 
(Applause.)  I will  do  them  the  justice  to  say  that  up  to  the 
present  time,  so  far  as  I have  examined,  they  have  given  a fair 
share  of  their  money  for  the  education  of  the  blacks.  But  if 
a white  man  is  teaching  a black  school  they  will  not  permit 
him  to  go  into  the  society  of  white  men,  not  by  any  manner  of 
means.  Under  the  Glenn  bill  they  undertook  to  put  men  into 
the  chain  gang  for  a year,  down  in  Georgia,  because,  forsooth, 
the  professors  in  the  Atlanta  college,  established  by  $150,000 
paid  in  by  northern  churches  and  northern  churchmen,  edu- 
cated their  children  at  that  school.  So  threatening,  however, 
has  this  terrible  peril  to  the  republic  — over  2,000,000  of 
voters  who  cannot  read — become  in  my  mind,  such  a ter- 
rible menace  is  there  in  the  fact  that  so  many  men  cannot 


21 


read  their  ballots,  sufficient  in  numbers  to  hold  the  balance  of 
power  in  almost  every  state  in  the  United  States,  I would  risk 
it  all,  were  I an  autocrat,  and  distribute  $10,000,000  or  $15,- 
000,000  of  that  surplus  every  year  while  the  surplus  lasted  to 
educate  those  people  north  and  south.  (Applause.)  Again, 
I would  put  $10,000,000  or  $12,000,000  a year  into  fortifica- 
tions for  our  rivers  and  cities.  (Applause.)  Again,  I would 
put  $10,000,000  a year  into  a navy  until  we  had  one  that  would 
command  the  respect  of  the  world ; and  I would  not  be  as  long 
as  Secretary  Whitney  has  been  in  building  one  ship.  (Ap- 
plause.) And  if  that  would  not  take  care  of  the  surplus,  I 
would  set  50,000  men  digging  the  Nicaragua  canal,  I would 
connect  ocean  with  ocean,  and  the  government  should  own  the 
canal  and  control  it  forever  in  the  interests  of  our  ships  and 
our  commerce.  (Applause.) 


The  policy  of  protection  to  home  industries  is  not  only 
national,  it  is  local.  Everywhere  the  value  of  an  industry  to  a 
community  is  recognized,  hence  so  many  towns  all  over  the 
country  are  offering  inducements  for  manufacturers  to  settle 
in  them.  The  benefits  are  so  much  appreciated  that  for  many 
years  such  property  is  exempted  from  taxation.  If  a factory  is 
of  such  importance  to  a community,  what  must  they  all  be  to 
the  entire  nation?  If  you  believe  in  this  policy  you  must  be  a 
protectionist,  and  should  vote  only  for  protectionists. 


But  I am  aware  that  the  Democratic  party  will  not  do  any  of 
these  things,  that  there  is  the  surplus  and  you  must  take  care 
of  it.  How  will  you  do  it?  They  say  : Take  the  duty  off  of 
raw  material.  Now,  what  a tremendous  lot  that  will  dispose 
of,  about  $14,000,000,  I believe,  at  the  highest  estimate,  out  of 
$100,000,000.  What  next?  Tobacco.  I think  that  is  about 
$28,000,000.  What  are  you  going  to  do  with  the  rest? 
Well,  once  in  a while  you  will  find  a free  trader  who  says  : We 
will  take  it  off  from  sugar.  Now,  there  is  some  sense  in  that. 
Every  man,  woman  and  child  eats  sugar.  The  duty  operates  as 
a direct  tax,  because  under  our  climate  there  is  and  can  be  no 


22 


competition  which  will  make  sugar  cheaper,  as  in  the  case  of 
manufactured  goods.  But  the  great  bulk  of  the  reformers  will 
not  consent  to  this.  I remember  that  in  the  Senate  of  the 
United  States  I made  a proposition  to  strike  off  20  per  cent,  of 
that  duty,  and  every  free  trader  in  the  Senate  voted  “No;” 
then  a proposition  to  strike  off  30  per  cent.,  and  still  they  voted 
“No.”  Then,  I called  Senator  Coke,  from  Texas,  to  account, 
and  asked  him  why  every  free  trader  voted  “No”  on  that  pro- 
position. “Why,”  said  he,  “that  is  a tariff  for  revenue 
only.”  So,  I suppose  these  gentlemen  who  are  for  a tariff  for 
revenue  only  will  keep  the  duty  of  $50,000,000  on  sugar. 
Then,  what  disposition  will  they  make  of  the  balance?  Will 
they  remove  the  internal  revenue  tax  from  whiskey  ? Why, 
the  proposition  suddenly  makes  the  Democratic  party  and  even 
the  vinous  association  earnest  temperance  organizations  ! What, 
give  cheap  whiskey  to  the  people?  Monstrous,  say  they. 
And  yet,  Judge  Kelley,  after  careful  computation,  declares 
that  it  would  cheapen  a drink  from  J to  £ of  a cent ! ‘ ‘ Outrage 

the  temperance  sentiment  of  the  country?”  Why,  my  philan- 
thropic vinees  are  you  certain  that  the  temperance  men  of  the 
country  believe  in  supporting  the  Government  from  such  a tax  ? 
Do  not  thousands  of  them  look  upon  it  as  a Government  recog- 
nition of  the  tariff,  increasing  two-fold  the  difficulties  of  sup- 
pressing it  in  the  States  ! When  Senator  Logan  made  the 
proposition  to  appropriate  the  proceeds  of  this  tax  to  a perpetual 
fund  for  education,  didn’t  the  friends  of  education  and  temper- 
ance both  object  ? Why,  the  most  serious  obstacle  to  temperance 
movements  in  Europe  to-day  is  the  immense  revenue  derived 
by  their  Governments  from  the  manufacture  and  sale  of  spirits. 
It  places  the  rulers  in  antagonism  to  temperance.  Bismarck  is 
now  endeavoring  to  induce  the  people  ot  Germany  to  give  the 
manufacture  and  sale  of  brandy  to  the  Government,  and  is 
telling  them  that  the  liquor  will  be  both  better  and  cheaper. 

Every  government  of  Europe  to-day  is  in  league,  practi- 
cally, with  the  rum-sellers  of  Europe  to  increase  rather  than  to 
diminish  the  rum  traffic.  Our  government,  thank  fortune,  is 
not  driven  to  any  such  expedient  as  that.  _And  yet  there  is  a 
tendency  of  the  government  to  protect  to  a certain  extent  the 
manufacture  and  sale  of  liquor  when  it  derives  from  it  the 
benefit  of  seventy,  eighty,  or  one  hundred  millions  a year.  I 
do  not  know  myself  now  how  I would  vote  on  this  proposition. 
It  may  be  the  very  best  thing  to  take  off  the  tax  on  whiskey, 
the  tax  on  tobacco,  all  internal  revenue  tax,  and  let  this  gov- 
ernment derive  its  revenue  from  imports.  (Applause.)  But, 


23 


as  I say,  the  Democratic  party  and  the  free-traders  to-day  are 
the  temperance  men  of  the  country ; and  they  deplore  the 
horrible  evils,  as  they  say,  of  cheap  whiskey,  and  they  refuse 
to  do  it.  Where  will  they  take  off  the  balance?  They  will 
take  it  from  your  duties  to-day  on  manufactured  goods.  Now, 
how  much  ? Suppose  they  reduce  your  duties  twenty  per  cent. , 
will  that  decrease  the  revenue?  Who  knows?  My  judg- 
ment is  it  would  double  your  surplus.  That  instead  of  import- 
ing, as  we  do  to-day,  $180,000,000  worth  of  manufactured 
goods,  we  should  import  $400,000,000  worth.  (Applause.) 
There  is  something  which  never  occurs  to  these  men.  Suppose 
$200,000,000  worth  of  manufactured  goods  were  imported 
into  this  country  last  year,  if  their  statement  is  correct  that 
the  duty  averages  forty  per  cent.,  that  would  make  about 
$80,000,000  which  may  be  derived  from  it.  Now,  it  never 
occurs  to  them,  does  it,  that  there  is  a way,  by  increasing 
these  duties,  by  making  these  goods  pay  more  than  that 
amount,  you  might  prevent  their  importation,  and  thus  reduce 
your  surplus  by  $80,000,000,  And  yet,  why  not?  There  is 
one  thing  absolutely  certain,  if  you  reduce  the  rate  you  are 
liable  to  increase  the  amount ; because  there  is  a point  at  which 
there  will  be  a temptation  to  import  into  this  country,  and  the 
importations  will  come.  Who  knows  where  that  point  is? 
We  are  dangerously  near  it  to-day.  Why?  The  duty  may 
be  high  enough,  I admit,  to  protect  our  labor,  and  that  is  all 
we  want ; that  is,  a duty  equivalent  to  the  difference  between 
labor  there  and  labor  here.  If  it  comes  to  within  twenty  per 
cent,  of  it  we  can  beat  them,  because  we  have  other  advan- 
tages. Our  laborers  are  better  and  can  do  more  work.  We 
need  enough  to  make  us  their  equals,  and  no  more ; and  I do 
not  believe  there  is  a protective  tariff  man  in  this  country  who 
will  ask  any  more  than  that.  Very  likely  the  present  rates  of 
duties  would  be  sufficient.  But  you  know  very  well  there  are 
undervaluations  going  on  which  take  off  at  least  twenty-five 
per  cent,  of  these  duties  on  all  manufactured  goods.  Why, 
at  Stuttgart  there  }s  a corset  manufactory  where  every  single 
corset  is  sent  to  this  country  to  compete  with  yours,  where  the 
wages  are  not  one-third  of  the  wages  in  your  factories ; and 
yet  the  consul  told  me  that  he  found  out  that  every  one  of 
them  was  exported  to  this  country  for  half  their  value.  So 
that  decreases  the  duties  by  that  amount. 

Now,  my  friends,  I have  talked  to  you  a great  deal  longer 
than  I ought,  and  have  wearied  your  patience.  (Applause 
and  cries  of  “ Go  on.”)  But  I confess  to  feeling  a good  deal 


24 


of  interest  in  this  matter.  I confess  that  I feel  an  interest  in 
the  American  people ; that*  I think  a hundred  times  more  of 
them  than  I did  before  I saw  the  other  peoples  of  the  earth ; 
that  the  most  delightful  part  of  my  trip  abroad  was  the  journey 
home.  I love  to  see  the  manufacturing  laborers  coming  out 
of  the  mills  in  my  city  and  to  contrast  them  with  the  people  I 
saw  coming  out  of  the  mills  abroad.  Why,  the  difference  is 
world-wide.  What  though  the  ambitious  restlessness  of  these 
men  may  trouble  us  for  a season,  is  it  not  infinitely  better  than 
that  solemn  hopelessness  that  you  see  in  the  faces  of  those 
operatives  abroad  ? And  is  it  not  better  that  the  weaver  of 
to-day  shall  be  an  overseer  to-morrow  than  it  is  for  a man  to 
be  content  to  do  to-day  what  his  grandfather  or  his  great- 
grandfather did  a hundred  years  ago  ? Is  not  all  this  turmoil 
and  excitement  better  than  that  apparent  sleep  of  death  amongst 
the  working  people  of  Europe.  What  though  it  cause  us 
trouble  for  a while,  as  I said  before,  good  will  come  out  of  it. 
Let  us  make  this  American  people  not  worse  ; let  us  make  them 
happy.  They  are  the  people  who  govern  this  country  and  con- 
trol it.  This  is  a government  of  the  people ; it  ought  to  be 
intelligent  and  it  ought  to  be  comfortable.  There  ought  to  be 
homes  and  comfort  in  homes.  And  every  man  who  works  in 
the  United  States  of  America,  and  is  temperate  and  frugal, 
can  have  a home  under  your  wages. 

Within  the  last  twenty  years  now  we  have  progressed  mar- 
velously under  our  tariff.  It  was  forced  upon  us  by  the  war. 
It  was  one  of  the  most  beneficent  things  that  the  war  achieved 
for  us,  — that  Morrill  tariff.  From  1860  to  1870  we  increased 
our  manufactures  over  two  billions  of  dollars ; and  from  1870 
to  1880  over  a billion  dollars;  and  no  other  country  in  the 
whole  world  increased  in  the  same  time  over  $500,000,000. 
In  1880  we  outstripped  Great  Britain  by  $650,000,000  a 
year,  and  to-day  are  richer  than  she  is,  are  a greater  manufact- 
uring nation.  Why  should  we  give  up  this  vantage  ground  ? 
Why  should  we  trifle  with  it? 

This  splendid  meeting  to-night ; this  Home  Market  Club ; 
the  interest  which  so  many  gentlemen  in  this  city  evince  in  the 
purposes  of  the  club  ; this  organization  in  itself ; the  fact  alone 
that  there  is  organization  with  your  purpose,  gives  me  courage 
and  will  give  the  working  people  of  New  England  courage,  too. 
I care  nothing  for  sentiment,  it  is  worth  nothing  without  organ- 
ization. Remember  that  organization  is  worth  nothing  without 
work,  and  that  you  cannot  do  work  without  money.  (Ap- 
plause.) Do  in  this  for  the  education  of  the  American  people 


25 


what  the  churches  do  in  religion  for  the  working  men  and 
women  of  the  world.  Organize,  raise  your  money,  send  out 
your  workers  to  every  manufacturing  town  in  your  state  and 
N in  New  England,  and  I tell  you  that  this  club  cannot  to-day 
dream  of  the  power  that  it  may  become  for  good.  Why,  Mr. 
Draper  himself,  now  dead,  to  whom  we  owe  this  organization, 
in  his  wildest  thoughts  never  dreamed  of  what  it,  thoroughly 
united,  thoroughly  in  earnest,  thoroughly  determined  to  work 
out  this  problem,  could  accomplish  in  the  United  States  in  a 
quarter  of  a century.  I say  to  you,  Mr.  President,  and  to  you, 
gentlemen  of  this  club,  go  on  with  the  work  which  you  have 
commenced ; go  out  into  the  whole  country  with  your  power 
and  let  it  be  felt.  There  is  an  organization  in  New  York,  of 
which  the  president  is  here  present,  which  has  been  doing  an 
immense  amount  of  good  for  the  last  two  or  three  years.  This 
will  supplement  that.  And  this  work  has  not  been  without  its 
results.  I tell  you,  friends,  that  the  protective  principle  of 
our  tariff  is  more  powerful  to-day  in  this  republic  than  it  ever 
was  before ; there  are  more  men  who  believe  in  it  from  princi- 
ple, more  men  ready  to  work  for  it  from  principle,  and  it  will 
not  be  long  before  the  working  men  and  the  working  women 
of  this  country  will  see  that  their  only  safety  is  in  a protective 
tariff.  (Applause.) 


It  is  claimed  that  the  protective  tariff  is  no  benefit,  but  a 
tax  upon  the  farmers.  Every  farmer  whose  farm  is  located  near 
a manufacturing  centre  knows  better  than  this,  for  the  good 
wages  paid  are  sources  of  income  to  him,  which  would  be  lost 
under  foreign  competition  and  a foreign  basis  of  wages. 


Speech  of  Hon.  Geo.  F.  Hoar,  of  Massachusetts. 


Mr.  President , Gentlemen  of  the  Home  Market  Club : — 
Brethren  of  the  Home  Market  Club,  I would  also  say,  — for  I 
have  the  honor  of  being  enrolled  in  its  ranks,  — I do  not  think 
I ought,  at  this  late  hour  of  the  evening,  and  after  the  masterly 
address  of  my  friend,  Senator  Frye,  to  undertake  to  make  a 
speech.  I came  at  the  last  moment,  crowded  with  other 
duties,  a “Minute-man”  only,  to  attend  this  gathering;  and 
however  excellent  may  have  been  the  services  of  the  “ Minute- 
men  ” in  the  Revolution,  I am  not  aware  that  any  of  their 
speeches  have  survived.  (Laughter  and  Applause.) 

But  it  is  certainly  quite  time  that  an  association  of  this  kind 
should  be  formed  at  this  great  manufacturing  centre  of  the 
great  manufacturing  industries  of  New  England.  I have  been 
amazed,  as  I have  thought  of  this  matter,  to  see  how  the 
question  of  the  protection  of  American  industry  has  been 
left  of  late  years  to  be  discussed  by  men  who  know  least 
about  it.  One  would  think  that  if  you  desired  to  know  what 
was  for  the  interest  of  American  manufacturers,  what  would 
enable  our  business  men  to  compete  with  their  rivals  abroad, 
what  would  enable  them  to  maintain  the  rate  of  wages,  what 
would  enable  American  workingmen  to  live  in  comfort  and 
in  honor  in  American  homes,  you  would  ask  the  business 
men  whose  lives  are  spent  in  maintaining  those  industries, 
and  would  ask  of  the  skilled  laborers  whose  lives  are  spent 
as  operatives  in  their  employ.  If  you  desired  to  know  what 
policy  would  tend  to  the  strength  and  glory  of  this  republic, 
— what  would  make  her  strong  in  war  and  prosperous  in 
peace,  — you  would  also  look  for  the  opinions  of  the  statesmen 
who  founded  it,  and  of  the  statesmen  who  have  administered 
it.  And  without  a single  exception  worthy  of  consideration, 
the  opinion  of  all  these  classes  is  in  favor  of  the  public  policy 
which  you  meet  here  to-night  to  promote.  (Applause.) 

Why,  the  business  men  of  Massachusetts,  and  Connecticut, 
and  Rhode  Island,  and  New  York,  and  Pennsylvania,  know  what 


27 


has  created  the  great  work  shops  to  which  they  owe  their  dig- 
nity, and  honor,  and  success.  The  business  men  of  Worcester 
know  what  sort  of  legislation  enables  her  great  wire  industry 
to  support  in  comfort  15,000  people;  and  her  great  loom 
industries,  her  great  manufactures  of  agricultural  implements, 
her  great  manufactures  of  machinery  to  send  their  products  far 
and  near.  The  instincts  of  the  workingmen,  as  it  seems  to  me 
it  is  no  flattery  to  say,  may  at  least  be  supposed  to  be  equal  to 
the  instincts  of  birds.  How  is  it  that  you  account  for  that 
constant  stream  of  emigration  westward  from  the  great  manu- 
facturing nations  of  Europe,  which  has  gained  and  grown  with 
the  beginning  and  growth  of  the  protective  policy  in  this  coun- 
try? Can  any  of  you  think  of  a statesman  whose  reputation 
has  survived  as  a man  of  the  first-class  the  falling  of  the  gravel 
upon  his  coffin,  who  has  not  left  on  record  his  judgment  that 
the  glory  and  the  prosperity  and  the  independence  of  America 
depended  upon  achieving  and  maintaining  the  independence  of 
her  manufactures?  (Applause.)  The  long  list  of  great  presi- 
dents, every  president  of  the  United  States  whom  the  people 
have  re-elected  after  they  tried  him,  has  left  on  record  his  testi- 
mony to  the  protective  doctrine  ; — Jefferson,  and  Washington, 
and  Jackson,  and  Madison,  and  Lincoln,  and  Grant.  With  theirs 
are  the  names  of  Webster,  and  Clay,  and  Choate,  and  the 
Adamses,  and  if  there  be  any  others  honorable  enough  to  be 
named  along  with  these,  they  are  on  the  same  side.  And  yet  — 
you  will  correct  me  if  I mistake  — the  list  of  first-class  men  in 
our  public  life  who  have  been  committed  to  the  doctrine  of  free 
trade,  begins  and  ends  with  the  name  of  John  C.  Calhoun.  This 
same  intellect  that  in  the  seclusion  of  the  study  reasoned  out 
the  doctrine  of  free  trade,  reasoned  out  also  the  doctrine  of 
nullification  and  of  secession. 

But  the  American  people  are  asked,  in  dealing  with  this  vital 
question,  not  to  take  the  experience  of  her  manufacturers,  not 
to  trust  the  instinct  of  her  workmen,  not  to  sit  at  the  feet  of 
her  statesmen,  but  to  go  to  the  young  gentlemen  who  have 
been  less  than  10  years  out  of  our  colleges,  and  to  the  profes- 
sors of  political  economy,  men  who  never  earned  a dollar  by 
any  hard  labor,  men  to  whom  no  man  ever  looks  to  invest  a 
dollar  in  any  secure  place.  (Laughter  and  applause.) 

And  it  is  a marvellous  instance, — I won’t  say  of  ingratitude, 
but  of  perverted  ingenuity, — when  we  remember  that  the 
modern  prosperity  of  the  colleges  of  New  England  itself  is  the 
creation  of  the  protective  tariff.  (Applause.)  Take  away 
from  them  the  funds  which  the  princely  generosity  of  the  men 


28 


of  Boston  and  of  our  other  cities  and  manufacturing  com- 
munities, who  have  gained  their  fortunes  under  this  policy, 
have  given  to  our  colleges  as  their  endowments,  and  the  pupils 
whom  these  communities,  owing  to  the  prosperity  that  it  has 
created,  have  been  enabled  to  send  them,  and  there  would  not 
be  a great  deal  left,  even  of  Harvard.  (Laughter  and  Ap- 
plause.) 

Now,  my  friends,  it  is  time  that  the  great  and  irresistible 
power  of  the  brain  of  New  England  and  of  New  York,  and  the 
great  industries  of  the  North,  aroused  themselves  to  the  neces- 
sity of  instructing  the  American  people  upon  this  question.  Yon 
have  great  foes  and  rivals  with  whom  you  have  to  contend.  The 
whole  power  of  the  vast  business  capital  and  the  vast  military 
and  naval  power  of  England  is  bent  upon  securing  to  herself  the 
control  of  the  markets  of  the  world,  and  the  control  chiefly  of 
the  unrivalled  market  of  America.  You  talk  about  the  American 
people  paying  out  in  the  price  of  their  blankets,  or  their  coats, 
or  their  shirts,  the  little  pittance  which  this  protective  duty 
imposed  upon  them.  What  do  you  think  England  is  doing  to 
promote  her  manufacturers  in  this  great  race  ? She  has  planted 
herself  at  the  gate  of  Europe,  the  best  business  stand  on  earth, 
with  her  marvellous  coast  line.  She  has  made  her  dominion 
to-day,  either  by  direct  sovereignty  or  by  an  influence  which 
makes  them  her  commercial  dependents,  more  than  350,000,000 
of  the  population  of  this  globe.  China,  and  India,  and  Egypt, 
and  Turkey ; the  vast  South  American  regions  are  to-day  in 
commerce  but  vassals  depending  upon  her.  She  has  taken 
possession  of  the  gieat  routes  of  commerce.  The  carrying 
trade  of  the  world,  as  held  by  England,  pays  her,  as  I under- 
stand, at  this  moment,  less  than  three  per  cent,  on  the  capital 
that  she  has  engaged  in  it.  All  her  subsidies,  all  her  great 
diplomatic  agencies,  all  her  cost  of  army  and  navy,  all  her 
mighty  conquests  are  to  bring  about  the  result  at  which  she  is 
aiming  — that  the  clothing,  and  the  luxury,  and  the  necessity  of 
the  world  shall  be  supplied  hereafter  by  the  manufacturers  of 
England. 

You  have,  in  addition  to  that,  to  encounter  the  power  of  the 
South  at  home.  Now,  you  know  very  well,  all  of  you,  I sup- 
pose, that  the  South,  during  the  Kebellion,  when  they  made 
their  Confederate  constitution,  put  in  it,  as  the  expression  of 
the  permanent  will  and  conviction  of  that  people,  that  there 
should  be  no  revenue  ever  raised  for  the  sake  of  protecting  any 
industry ; and  you  have  in  this  opponent  an  opponent  unequal- 
led for  political  sagacity,  permanent,  constant,  indefatigable r 


29 


whose  opinions  last  from  generation  to  generation,  where  the 
father  instructs  the  child  in  his  political  faith.  You  have  great 
allies,  but  you  have  also  great  antagonists,  and  it  is  a worthy 
conflict  to  which  the  instructed  brain  of  the  people  of  Massa- 
chusetts is  invited  by  this  assembly. 


Remember  that  the  basis  of  New  England’s  prosperity  is 
in  her  manufacturing  industries.  Foreign  competition  with 
these  must  do  for  them  just  what  competition  with  the  West  has 
done  for  New  England  farms,  located  away  from  the  manufac- 
turing centres.  No  man  with  any  business  experience  would 
claim  that  increased  competition  would  benefit  him,  but  yet 
this  is  just  what  free-traders  are  trying  to  have  people  believe 
would  benefit  our  home  industries. 


I think  there  are  several  practical  things  that  you  want  to 
look  out  for.  One  thing  at  which  I have  been  amazed  is  the 
want  of  understanding  on  the  part  of  even  our  best  business 
men  of  the  great  importance  of  the  American  house  of  repre- 
sentatives as  a factor  in  our  legislation.  You  let  a representa- 
tive be  lost  by  some  little  local  quarrel  or  by  some  dislike, 
some  petty  personal  dislike,  and  you  send  in  his  place,  as  a 
representative,  some  man  like  my  worthy  friend,  Mr.  Leopold 
Morse,  who  represents,  I suppose,  a very  large  number  of  gen- 
tlemen assembled  at  this  tablec  And  what  happens?  Mr. 
Morse’s  first  act  when  he  reaches  Washington  is  to  vote  for 
Mr.  Carlisle,  the  speaker  of  the  house  of  representatives,  an 
officer  in  whose  single  will  there  is  more  power  over  this  sub- 
ject, so  interesting  to  you,  than  is  vested  in  any  fifty  members 
of  the  house  over  which  he  presides ; an  officer  who,  at  the 
last  session,  finding  that  some  of  the  democratic  members  were 
compelled  by  their  fear  of  the  interest  and  opinion  of  their  own 
constituencies  to  yield  something  on  this  measure,  finding  that 
Mr.  Randall,  in  order  to  save  the  State  of  Virginia  to  the  dem- 
ocratic party,  and  in  order  to  save  his  own  seat  in  Philadelphia, 
was  prepared  to  propose  the  abolition  of  a large  proportion  of 
the  internal  revenue  and  a revision  of  the  tariff  in  the  interests 
of  protection,  refused  to  put  the  question  to  the  house  over 
which  he  presided. 

Mr.  Frye  spoke  of  maintaining  our  present  position.  You 
want  to  look  out  for  every  branch  of  the  government.  What 
advantage  is  it  to  you  to  maintain  your  present  position  so  far 


30 


as  legislation  is  concerned,  if  you  have  a secretary  of  the  treas- 
ury under  whose  ruling  the  great  worsted  industries  of  Massa- 
chusetts are  stricken  down?  (Applause.)  What  advantage 
is  it  to  the  manufacturers  of  Massachusetts  to  maintain  the 
present  tariff  upon  the  statute  book,  if  you  have  a department 
under  whose  administration  from  twenty  to  thirty  per  cent,  of 
the  duties  are  lost  by  a system  of  undervaluation  in  the  port  of 
New  York?  (Loud  applause.)  You  cannot  afford  to  trust 
your  interests  in  any  hands  except  the  hands  of  a protectionist 
senate,  a protectionist  house  of  representatives,  a protectionist 
President,  and  a protectionist  secretary.  (Loud  applause.) 

An  English  club,  which  has  been  alluded  to  to-night,  has  been 
pouring  out  the  capital  of  that  people  like  water  in  its  attempt 
to  control  and  affect  public  sentiment  in  this  country.  I sup- 
pose 3rou  remember  the  story  of  that  great  meeting  of  the 
Cobden  Club,  w’hicli  took  place  in  Europe  a few  years  ago. 
There  was  a majority  of  the  then  members  of  the  British  cabinet. 
The  prime  minister,  absent  himself,  sent  a letter  of  sympathy 
and  was  represented  by  his  son,  himself  a prominent  and 
able  member  of  the  British  parliament.  Seventy  members  of 
the  British  parliament  were  seated  around  the  table ; and  the 
gentleman  who  reported  the  doings  of  that  club  for  the  year, 
said  it  was  their  purpose  to  turn  their  attention  in  future  to  the 
matter  of  the  public  sentiment  of  America,  where,  he  was  polite 
enough  to  say,  they  expected  to  encounter  a foeman  worthy  of 
their  steel. 

I should  not  myself,  for  one,  think  this  a matter  of  the 
greatest  public  importance  if  it  affected  merely,  or  affected 
chiefly,  the  interests  of  the  gentlemen  whom  I see  about  this 
table.  I take  it  you  could  get  your  living  in  comfort  somehow 
if  every  Massachusetts  factory  were  to  be  closed  to-morrow. 
(A  voice,  “ No  ! ”)  But  to  me  it  is  a question  of  the  very  life 
of  the  American  people.  It  is  a question  whether  henceforth  and 
in  the  future  the  American  home  shall  be  overrun  and  supplan- 
ted by  the  squalid  population  whom  my  honorable  friend  has 
so  eloquently  described.  We  do  not  care  to  emulate  England, 
or  France,  or  Germany,  in  any  of  the  things  which  make  up 
their  glory.  They  may  have  the  glory  of  war  and  of  peace. 
They  may  have  the  splendors  of  art,  and  architecture,  and  music. 
I do  not  care  for  the  galleries  which  Raphael  or  Angelo  have 
adorned.  I do  not  care  that  domes  shall  rise  here  which  Wren 
has  builded.  I do  not  care  for  the  music  of  Handel  or  Beet- 
hoven. But  I do  mean  that  health  shall  paint  with  her  roses 
the  cheeks  of  the  factory  girl.  I do  mean  that  we  shall  im- 


31 


prove  the  architecture  of  the  people’s  dwellings.  I do  mean 
that  we  shall,  if  we  can,  hear  the  music  of  children’s  voices  in 
the  well-paid  workman’s  home.  (Great  applause.)  When 
you  determine  the  question  whether  you  shall  pay  a shilling 
or  two  dollars  a day  to  a workman,  you  are  not  dealing  with 
the  condition  of  a serf ; you  are  fixing  the  salary  of  your  mon- 
arch. (Applause.)  If  these  men  can  be  educated  and  be 
happy,  can  dwell  in  comfortable  homes,  can  know  the  pleasure 
of  church,  and  of  lecture,  and  of  town  meeting,  and  of  social 
gatherings,  the  American  republic  will  go  on  in  its  pathway  of 
honor  and  of  glory.  But  if  European  policies,  European  princi- 
ples, European  examples,  European  wages  shall  ever  come 
here,  you  may  not  lose  your  capital,  — it  will  be  but  a trifle, — 
but  the  American  republic  will  go  down.  (Loud  applause.) 


A protective  tariff  protects  labor;  protects  goods;  protects 
mills  and  workshops.  Read  what  Senator  Frye  says  about  the 
starvation  wages  paid  in  free  trade  countries.  Do  you  want 
such  wages  to  prevail  here?  Every  wage-earner  should  be  a 
protectionist  and  yote  only  for  out  and  out  protectionists. 


JOIN  THE 


Home  Market  Club, 

ORGANIZED  TO  PRESERVE 

HEW  ENGLAND'S  MANUFACTURING  ENTERPRISES, 

AND  THE 

Prosperity  of  Her  People  Engaged  in  Such. 


CO-OPERATE  IN  THE  WORK  OF  THE  CLUB 

in  diffusing  information  concerning  the  Principle  of  Pro- 
tection to  Home  Manufactures,  the  Suppression  of 
Undervaluations,  and  the  Maintenance  of  such  a 
Tariff  as  will  Secure  the  Home  Market  to 
Home  Manufacturers,  Home  Capital, 

Home  Labor,  and  Home  Trade. 


Send  in  Your  Name  to  the  Secretary,  56  Bedford  Street. 
Admission  Fee  is  $3;  Annual  Dues,  $1, 


IMPENDING  CRISIS. 


AN  ADDRESS 

DELIVERED  BY 

E.  J.  E O 1ST  1SI  E L L , 

OJY  JVCOJVDA-  Y EYJSJSTIJVG-,  JULY  16tTi, 

At  Irving  Hall, 

UNDER  THE  AUSPICES  OF  THE  NEW 
YORK  FREE  TRADE  CLUB. 


NEW  YORK: 

THE  N.  Y.  FREE  TRADE  CLUB, 

39  Nassau  Street. 


c 


AN  ADDRESS 


DELIVERED  BY 


E.  J.  DONNELL, 

OJST  MONDAY  DYDNINGh,  .JULY  16th, 

At  Irving  Hall, 

UNDER  THE  AUSPICES  OF  THE  NEW 
YORK  FREE  TRADE  CLUB. 


NEW  YORK  : 

THE  N.  Y.  FREE  TRADE  CLUB, 


39  Nassau  Street. 


~n  /,  {■' 

JO  ^ 


THE  IMPENDING  CRISIS. 


No  man  capable  of  understanding  tbe  signs  of  tbe 
times,  who  will  give  tbe  present  condition  of  American 
industry  adequate  attention,  can  doubt  that  we  are 
rapidly  approaching  a crisis  radically  different  from, 
and  immensely  more  important  than,  any  which  we 
have  hitherto  experienced. 

For  the  first  time  in  more  than  thirty  years,  the 
public  mind  is  directed  toward  the  study  of  that  de- 
partment of  economics  which  concerns  the  relations,  of 
taxation  and  industry.  The  minds  of  the  people  are 
getting  ready  for  independent  action.  Hitherto  they 
have  trusted  implicitly  to  Congress,  regarding  the 
government  as,  in  some  sense,  a guardian  and  bene- 
factor. Everywhere  there  is  a growing  conviction  that 
something  is  radically  wrong.  Nearly  all  those  in- 
dustries of  which  the  government  has  taken  special 
charge,  are  in  a condition  approaching  collapse.  Pressed 
with  the  keenest  competition  on  one  side,  on  the  other 
side  restricted  in  the  sale  of  their  products  to  a wholly 
inadequate  market;  and  loaded  down  with  taxes, 
levied  on  nearly  every  article  they  use  or  consume, 
they  are  forced  to  reduce  both  work  and  wages.  They 
are  nearing  the  conclusion  that  this  cannot  and  must 
not  continue. 

More  than  at  any  time  in  my  memory,  the^  people 
are  emancipated  from  the  control  of  parties.  They 


4 


THE  IMPENDING  CRISIS. 


are  becoming  every  day  more  and  more  disposed  to 
listen  to  discussions  of  fundamental  principles;  and  all 
the  more  so,  because  they  find  that  the  men  who  have 
always  ridiculed  the  application  of  science  to  legisla- 
tion, have  undoubtedly  shown  themselves  to  be  blind 
leaders.  At  last  the  people  are  willing  to  hear 
the  naked  truth. 

Under  the  circumstances,  prudence  dictates  as 
strongly  as  principle  that  the  whole  truth  be  told. 
That  is  what  I propose  to  do  to-night,  with  your  kind 
permission. 

Nearly  two  years  ago  I became  satisfied  that  we 
were  approaching  a crisis  in  industrial  progress  in  this 
country  and  in  Europe  that  would  result  in  so  expos- 
ing and  discrediting  the  whole  so-called  “protective” 
system,  especially  in  the  United  States,  as  to  wipe  it 
from  our  statute-books  in  a very  few  years. 

During  the  past  eighteen  months  events  have  pro- 
gressed almost  exactly  on  the  lines  I anticipated.  The 
elimination  of  the  “protective”  principle  from  our 
tariff  I expected  to  be  practically  accomplished  by 
1887.  There  remain  from  three  to  four  years  in 
which  to  realize  my  expectations. 

I will  state,  as  briefly  as  possible,  the  grounds  on 
which  I based  my  calculations ; the  general  course  of 
events  since  ; their  probable  course  during  the  next 
three  to  four  years  ; and,  lastly,  I will  endeavor  to 
point  out  what  I consider  the  true  policy  and  obvious 
duty  of  the  advocates  and  propagandists  of  industrial 
freedom. 


THE  IMPENDING  CRISIS. 


I. 

The  increase  in  manufactures  in  this  country  has 
nearly  always  exceeded  the  percentage  of  increase  in 
the  population,  since  the  first  organization  of  European 
colonies  on  this  continent.  Whether  our  tariff  was 
low  or  high  it  has  been  so ; sometimes  more  and  some- 
times less,  but  always  advancing. 

The  percentage  of  our  population  residing  in  cities 
is  now  double  what  it  was  a hundred  years  ago.  This 
tendency  of  population  toward  cities  is  equally 
marked  in  the  most  advanced  nations  of  Europe.  It 
is  evident  that  there  is  a considerable  portion  of  man- 
kind who  prefer  city  life  to  the  country,  and  the  vari- 
ous industries  that  bring  communities  close  together 
to  the  comparatively  isolated  life  of  the  agriculturist. 
This  preference  cannot  be  overcome  by  much  inferior 
product  or  compensation  for  labor,  and  an  even  still 
greater  disparity  of  physical  comforts.  Nothing  short 
of  actual  starvation  seems  to  be  sufficient  to  drive  the 
multitude  from  the  cities,  even  where  land  is  to  be  had 
for  the  asking.  Forty  years  ago  it  was  estimated  that 
more  than  three-fourths  of  our  population  were  em- 
ployed in  agriculture  ; now  it  is  known  there  is  less 
than  half. 

Of  course,  our  industrial  progress  under  the  influ- 
ence of  this  irresistible  tendency  must,  sooner  or  later, 
produce  an  excess  of  manufactured  products  beyond  all 
possible  needs  of  the  home  market,  when  an  outlet 
must  be  obtained  into  the  world’s  markets,  unless  our 
workers  submit  to  be  pauperized.  If  we  reflect  for  a 


6 


THE  IMPENDING  CRISIS. 


moment  on  tlie  industrial  history  of  the  past  ten  years, 
it  will  be  clear  to  us  that  these  conditions  were  reached 
ten  years  ago  and  probably  earlier.  It  is  probable 
that  the  panic  of  1873  only  brought  to  the  surface  a 
disease  that  had  been  in  the  blood  for  some  time.  All 
through  the  five  years’  depression,  our  mechanics  and 
laborers  did  not  average  more  than  three-quarter  time, 
at  the  outside.  Of  course,  some  managed  to  do  bet- 
ter^ but  this  was  at  the  expense  of  others.  Many  of 
our  working  people  returned  to  Europe,  where  they 
at  least  obtained  steady  employment.  I saw  many  of 
them  in  England  and  Ireland  in  1875,  waiting  impatient- 
ly for  the  return  of  better  times  in  their  beloved 
America.  Much  the  larger  portion  were  driven  into 
the  streets  and  highways  to  beg  or  steal  for  a living. 
At  last  there  was  a general  movement  toward  western 
lands,  where  they  helped  to  raise  those  great  crops 
that  started  the  so-called  “boom”  of  1879.  Under 
speculative  purchases  mining  and  manufactures  be- 
came very  active,  yet  within  two  years  there  was  un- 
mistakable evidence  that  the  disease  which  had  been 
eating  at  our  vitals  during  the  depression  was  still  in 
our  blood  and  as  virulent  as  ever.  So  much  for  the 
condition  of  affairs  in  this  country  which  entered  into 
my  calculations  as  to  the  future  of  the  tariff  question. 

The  other  facts  I found  in  the  industrial  condition 
of  England. 

After  twenty-five  years  of  free  trade,  a matchless 
maturity  of  industrial  forces  and  organization,  perfected 
by  the  exigencies  of  five  years’  depression,  was  coinci- 
dent with  one  of  those  periods  of  natural  expansion 


THE  IMPENDING  CRISIS. 


7 


which  are  always  periodical  and  are  exclusively  psy- 
chological in  their  origin. 

On  this  basis  I calculated  that  before  1887  there 
w^ould  be  such  an  expansion  of  English  industry  as 
was  never  before  known  or  so  much  as  dreamed  of. 
I was  then  convinced  and  I still  am,  that  so  great 
w’ould  be  the  contrast  between  the  gigantic  progress 
under  free  trade,  and  the  backward  condition  under 
“ protection”  that  it  would  create  a veritable  panic 
among  protectionists  all  over  the  world,  but  especially 
in  this  country,  where  the  system  is  carried  out  to  an 
extreme  elsewhere  unknown.  Nearly  two  years  have 
passed  since  I arrived  at  that  conclusion. 

Let  us  see  how  far  we  have  advanced  toward  the 
realization  of  my  expectations. 

II. 

In  nearly  all  departments  of  our  mining  and  manu- 
facturing industry  there  is  the  same  complaint,  viz. : 
what  is  called  over-production : more  correctly,  an  in- 
sufficient market.  Our  excessive  and  discriminating 
taxation  of  commodities  used  in  or  by  the  workers  in 
every  branch  of  our  industry,  makes  the  cost  of  pro- 
duction so  high  that  our  producers  have  no  customers 
for  their  products  but  those  compelled  by  law  to  buy 
from  them.  This  market  being  wholly  insufficient, 
forces  short  time  on  the  employes  and,  in  may  cases, 
bankruptcy  on  their  employers.  Again,  our  working 
people  who  depend  on  their  daily  labor  for  their  sup- 
port, are  either  driven  into  the  streets  or  tortured  by 
doubts  and  anxiety  as  to  their  future. 


I 


I 


8 THE  IMPENDING  CRISIS. 

So  much  for  “ protection.”  Now  let  us  see  how  it  is 
with  free  trade. 

Those  who  are  aware  that  during  the  five  years  of 
depression  the  number  of  paupers  in  England  de- 
creased while  in  this  country  the  number  increased 
with  a rapidity  rarely  known  in  history,  will  have  no 
difficulty  in  understanding  how  it  is  that  there  is  no 
want  of  employment  there  now.  Everybody  in  Eng- 
land who  wishes  to  work  is  fully  employed — no  short 
time,  no  forced  idleness.  This  is  the  truth  and  the 
reason  for  it  is  obvious.  England  has  free  access  to  all 
the  markets  of  the  globe.  Even  protective  tariffs  can- 
not exclude  her  more  than  temporarily,  because  such 
tariffs  at  once  raise  the  cost  of  production  where  they 
exist,  and  by  lowering  the  cost  of  raw  materials  in  the 
free  trade  countries  reduce  the  cost  of  production 
there. 

English  commerce  in  1882  was  the  largest  ever 
known  in  her  history.  The  great  merchants  and  man- 
ufacturers complained  that  profits  were  meagre;  but 
the  workers  and  wage-earners  did  not  suffer  from  that. 
If  capitalists  make  three  per  cent  on  their  capital  in- 
stead of  ten  or  twenty  per  cent,  nobody  suffers  very 
much. 

Such  are  the  conditions  in  each  country,  and  such 
are  the  facts  as  developed  in  the  past  two  years.  Now 
let  us  see  what  progress  public  opinion  has  made  tow- 
ard a correct  knowledge  of  causes. 

In  times  of  transition  party  conventions  rarely,  if 
ever,  reflect  public  opinion  accurately.  It  is  only  after 
the  transition  is  ended  that  politicians  begin  to  compre- 


THE  IMPENDING  CRISIS. 


9 


bend  it ; even  then  they  as  often  fall  before  it  as  yield 
to  it. 

For  the  first  time  our  manufacturers  begin  to  see 
that  they  are  the  victims  of  a mistaken  policy. 
Through  all  the  depression  following  the  panic  of 
1873  they  thought  of  anything  and  everything  but  the 
tariff.  Many  of  them  now,  when  they  look  back  at 
their  blindness  and  infatuation,  are  surprised. 

The  workmen  themselves,  so  long  deceived,  are  be- 
ginning to  understand  how  they  are  affected  by  heavy 
taxation  on  commodities.  Their  conventions  and  dis- 
cussions show  that  their  attention  is  now,  for  the  first 
time,  turned  to  the  real  cause  of  their  sufferings.  This 
is  all  that  is  necessary.  No  device  nor  invention  of  the 
protectionists  will  again  deceive  them.  Everything  the 
workingman  uses  is  taxed  excepting  his  bread  and 
meat ; and  the  same  law  that  taxes  him  practically 
prohibits  him  from  selling  his  products  in  the  open 
markets  of  the  world. 

On  the  whole  I think  I have  never  seen  more  rapid 
progress  in  public  opinion  on  any  great  question  ; 
nor  have  I ever  known  more  powerful  causes  at  work 
to  push  forward  that  progress. 

Nor  has  this  change  been  entirely  confined  to  pri- 
vate citizens.  Some  prominent  politicians  have  seen 
new  light,  and  many  more  are  already  “ on  the  way  to 
Damascus.”  Whoever  reads  carefully  Senator  Bay- 
ard’s late  letter  in  The  World , can  see  that  it  announces 
principles  that  must  ultimate  in  free  trade,  absolute 
and  unqualified.  I venture  to  say  that  one  year  ago 
he  would  hardly  have  published  such  a letter.  Cer- 


10 


THE  IMPENDING  CRISIS. 


tainly  when  I expressed  the  same  opinions  in  my  pam- 
phlet last  September  the  majority  of  our  newspapers 
considered  them  too  extreme  to  be  so  much  as  dis- 
cussed. 

How  is  it  in  England  ? A change  of  opinion  is 
taking  place  there  that  will  be  a surprise  to  many 
though  not  to  me,  for  I fully  expected  it.  The  English 
people,  I mean  the  masses,  are  not  scientific  economists. 
They  have  been  in  favor  of  free  trade  in  America 
because  they  supposed  it  simply  meant  an  open  market 
for  their  goods.  Lately  the  progress  of  events  has 
presented  it  to  them  in  a new  light.  They  begin  to 
see  that  free  trade  here  means  a rival  in  all  the 
markets  of  the  world  more  formidable  than  all  other 
nations  put  together. 

A magazine  writer  in'  England  argues  that,  though 
free  trade  is  good  for  England  it  may  not  be  good  for 
the  United  States.  This  sentiment  is  repeated  in 
all  forms  of  English  economical  literature. 

In  “ Bradstreet’s  ” newspaper  of  June  23d,  I find  a 
curious  letter  from  London,  written  by  a Hew  England 
protectionist,  and  headed  “ The  Commercial  Peace  of 
England  and  America.”  I extract  the  following  pas- 
sage from  it : “ Many  intelligent  and  very  observing 
manufacturers  in  Great  Britain  are  beginning  to  feel 
that  free  trade  in  the  United  States  means  stagnation 
to  the  trade  of  British  producers,  and  this  view  is 
shared  now  by  many  economists.  A very  observant 
American,  who  has  resided  in  Europe  much  of  the 
time  for  ten  years,  does  not  hesitate  to  say  that  the 
establishment  of  free  trade  in  the  United  States  would 


THE  IMPENDING  CRISIS. 


11 


result  in  war  between  the  countries.  While  this  view 
seems  very  far  from  the  conditions  that  might  be  ex- 
pected, it  gains  standing  when  it  is  remembered  that 
all  England’s  wars,  for  many  generations,  have  been 
waged  upon  commercial  grounds.” 

I do  not  believe  that  England  will  ever  go  to  war 
with  this  country  if  she  can  reasonably  avoid  it ; but 
I do  believe  that  with  free  trade  in  this  country 
there  will  be  a most  gigantic  struggle  for  industrial 
and  commercial  supremacy;  and  I believe  that  strug- 
gle will  drive  England  into  a condition  of  feeling  and 
temper  that  will  only  stop  short  of  war  from  a strong 
conviction  of  its  futility  and  folly. 

I would  not  give  the  above  extract  if  it  stood  alone, 
but,  in  fact,  it  is  confirmed  by  much  that  I learn  from 
other  sources.  Nor  would  I,  perhaps,  attach  so  much 
importance  to  these  indications  of  public  opinion  if  I 
had  not  been  expecting  them  as  part  of  a larger  move- 
ment— a necessary  stage  in  the  progress  toward  the 
revolution  I predicted,  and  to  the  early  consummation 
of  which  I look  forward  with  perfect  confidence. 

III. 

In  view  of  the  facts  stated,  what  may  we  reasonably 
expect  to  be  the  course  of  events  during  the  next  three 
to  four  years,  as  bearing  on  the  tariff  question  ? 

In  the  first  place  I look  for  continued  expansion  in 
English  trade.  There  is  no  gambling  speculation  in 
England  at  present,  and  much  less  than  the  average 
investment  of  capital  in  foreign  countries.  Her  in- 
vestments are  largely  in  raw  material,  which  is  exces- 


12 


THE  IMPENDING  CRISIS. 


sively  cheap  all  over  the  world.  Hence  her  imports 
are  large. 

The  low  price  of  raw  materials  is  a favorable  cir- 
cumstance of  the  first  imj)ortance  to  manufacturers. 
To  those  who  sell  to  semi-civilized  and  barbarous 
people  who  know  nothing  about  prices  current,  it  is 
peculiarly  advantageous.  Next  year  there  will  be  in- 
creased activity  and  more  extensive  investments  in 
foreign  countries,  which  will  correspondingly  increase 
the  volume  of  exports.  This  expansion  will  continue 
until  a crisis  takes  place,  indicating  the  temporary  cul- 
mination of  the  movement.  As  I have  already  inti- 
mated, these  crises  are  periodical  and  have  their 
origin  in  the  law  of  mental  dynamics.  The  next 
general  crisis  will  originate  in  England,  but  before  it 
is  due  I expect  to  see  our  protective  system  wiped 
out. 

As  to  the  progress  of  events  in  this  country,  it  is 
obvious,  if  I have  stated  the  true  cause  of  the  present 
depression  in  our  protected  manufactures,  that  there 
can  be  no  real  improvement  until  taxation  is  taken 
from  the  back  of  labor : until  our  manufacturers  are 
permitted  the  same  advantages  in  cheap  raw  materials 
(including  iron,  of  course),  which  are  enjoyed  by  other 
countries,  especially  the  free  trade  countries,  England, 
Holland,  Belgium  and  Switzerland,  and  thus  the  mar- 
kets of  the  world  are  opened  to  our  people  on  equal 
terms  with  the  best. 

The  vocabulary  of  protectionism  has  been  so  per- 
sistently sown  into  the  brains  of  our  people  that  it  is 
constantly  sprouting  out  even  in  our  free  trade  clubs. 


THE  IMPENDING  CRISIS. 


13 


We  hear  sometimes  of  twenty  per  cent  or  thirty  per 
cent  being  u sufficient  protection  v for  this  or  that  ar* 
tide.  Strange  language  that  for  a free  trade  club. 
Such  ideas  are  as  obnoxious  to  economical  science  as 
they  are  practically  unsuited  to  the  present  emergency. 

Almost  the  only  thing  that  is  certain  about  a tax  on 
commodities,  and  especially  a so-called  protective  tariff 
tax,  is  that  it  is,  though  called  indirect,  in  fact  a direct 
tax  on  labor,  so  direct  that  nothing  can  ward  it  off 
Who  receives  the  benefit  of  the  tax  depends  on  its 
nature  and  on  circumstances.  It  may  be  paid  to  the 
government ; it  may,  in  part,  go  into  the  pockets  of 
capitalists  like  the  steel  rail  ring ; more  frequently  it 
is  wholly  wasted,  benefitting  nobody.  It  is  doubtful 
if  any  part  of  it  ever  returns  to  the  pockets  of  the 
workers  from  whom  it  was  taken. 

A large  part  of  the  art  of  governing — that  part 
which  may  justly  be  called  statecraft — consists  in 
devising  the  most  effectual  method  of  extracting  money 
from  the  people  without  exciting  discontent.  One  of 
the  tricks  of  the  trade  is  to  tax  the  innocent  and 
divide  the  proceeds  among  the  cunning.  This  is  prac- 
tised extensively,  nowhere  more  extensively  and  suc- 
cessfully than  in  a republic  under  universal  suffrage. 

In  modern  times  the  use  of  brute  force  is  considered 
the  last  resort  of  incompetent  politicians.  A states- 
man who  knows  his  trade  never  resorts  to  it.  The 
originality  and  audacity  of  American  genius  are  no- 
where more  conspicuous  than  in  this  department.  It 
has  actually  succeeded  in  making  a great  number  of 
Americans  believe  that  taxation  is  good  for  them,  and 


14 


THE  IMPENDING  CRISIS. 


the  more  of  it  the  better;  better  still,  that  it  will 
make  them  rich.  That  politicians  have  had-  the  audac- 
ity to  preach  this  doctrine  is  certainly  no  more  strange 
than  that  masses  of  the  people  have  believed  it. 

Permit  me  to  state  here  broadly  what  I understand 
free  trade  to  mean,  and  what  the  final  issue  must  be, 
sooner  or  later.  As  I understand  it,  the  ultimate  of 
free  trade  is  that  all  taxes  should  be  levied  on  realized 
property,  no  tax  of  any  kind  on  the  act  of  creating 
property  or  value  ; in  other  words,  no  tax  on  commodi- 
ties necessary  to  the  uses  and  consumption  of  the 
workers.  How  soon  this  issue  will  come  up  for  legis- 
lative decision  will  depend  upon  the  intelligence  of 
the  people.  If  the  working  people  understood  the 
question  now  the  present  system  would  not  last  any 
longer  than  the  time  required  to  get  together  an  extra 
session  of  Congress.  Alas  ! the  inability  of  the  masses 
to  understand  their  real  interests,  even  in  the  common- 
est necessary  business  of  life,  their  constant  liability 
to  become  the  victims  of  error  and  fraud,  constitute 
the  uninterrupted  tragedy  of  the  ages.  ' 

It  is,  perhaps,  fortunate  for  the  cause  of  truth  that 
the  present  depression  in  our  protected  industries  fur- 
nishes, and  will  continue  to  furnish  ocular  demonstra- 
tion, plain  as  the  figures  on  a blackboard,  that  it  is  the 
present  system  of  taxing  commodities  that  debars  us 
from  access  to  the  markets  of  the  world ; that  causes 
bankruptcy  among  employers,  and  short  time  with 
pinching  want  and  pauperism  among  employes. 

Of  course,  I am  aware  that  ultimately  all  taxes  must 
be  paid  by  labor — that  is,  by  those  combined  forces  of 


THE  IMPENDING  CRISIS. 


15 


brain  and  muscle,  together  with  the  forces  of  nature 
and  capital,  which  constitute  the  whole  industrial 
movement.  But  there  is  all  the  difference  in  the 
world  in  the  way  the  tax  is  levied.  To  levy  the  taxes 
on  the  workers  in  the  act  of  working  is,  of  all  systems, 
the  most  barbarous,  the  most  brutal.  It  is  most  in- 
jurious to  the  best  interests  of  society  in  all  its  parts. 
It  impairs  the  wealth-producing  forces;  it  cripples 
and  embarrasses  industry,  and,  above  all,  it  is  unjust 
and  cruel. 

When  all  taxes  are  levied  on  realized  property,  it  is 
in  the  nature  of  a loan  to  labor  without  interest ; and 
yet  the  lenders  are  trebly  paid  from  their  share  in  the 
general  prosperity  and  happiness. 

The  peculiar  condition  of  our  industry,  and  the 
shameful  contrast  it  will  present  when  compared  to  free 
trade  England,  pouring  her  products  into  every  ham- 
let, defying  competition,  will,  if  I do  not  greatly  over- 
estimate the  intelligence  of  my  countrymen,  develop  a 
condition  of  public  opinion  before  which  no  protec- 
tionist party  will  stand  for  a moment ; nor  will  it  ever 
again  be  possible  to  deceive  the  people  on  the  tariff 
question.  As  to  the  two  parties,  Republican  and 
Democratic,  I expect  nothing  from  them  directly.  The 
question  of  industrial  freedom  is  far  above  all  party 
strife. 

The  probability  is  that  the  Republican  Party  wrill 
do  most  toward  hastening  the  crisis,  by  forcing  their 
false  principle  to  its  logical  conclusion.  That  is  the 
way  that  parties  founded  on  fundamental  error  gener- 
ally destroy  themselves.  So  long  as  they  are  empiri- 


16 


THE  IMPENDING  CRISIS. 


cal  and  moderate  they  may,  by  dexterity,  steer  clear 
of  the  rocks.  Such  are  the  times  when  society  hob- 
bles along  on  the  crutches  of  compromise  and  so-called 
expediency.  Nature  has  ordained  that  such  conditions 
shall  not  endure  always.  There  is  a period  in  every 
great  contest  for  principle  when  both  Parties  are  forced 
into  what  is  called  extreme  views.  Then  crutches  are 
thrown  away  and  society  is  restored  to  itself. 

The  Democratic  Party  will  probably  dodge  and  try 
to  hide  its  head  for  a time.  It  may,  and  probably 
will  fight  at  last. 

As  to  the  conscious  purposes  of  politicians,  I know, 
of  course,  that  there  are  several  upright  scientific  econ- 
omists in  the  Democratic  Party,  but  I am  satisfied  there 
is  not  a single  leader  in  either  Party  who  comprehends 
the  present  situation. 

No  matter  about  the  politicians;  the  people  will 
learn  more  about  the  effects  of  tariff  taxation  on 
industry  in  a few  months,  since  their  attention  has 
been  turned  to  the  subject,  than  all  the  politicians 
know  at  present. 

With  these  views  and  facts  before  us,  what  is  the 
duty  of  patriotic  Americans  ? 

IV. 

In  reading  the  narrative  of  the  prolonged  agitation 
which  ultimated  in  the  adoption  of  free  trade  in  Eng- 
land, there  is  no  fact  more  striking  and  instructive 
than  this,  viz : Though  the  protective  system  had  re- 
duced the  masses  of  the  people  to  the  greatest  ex- 
tremes of  suffering — riots  in  the  manufacturing  centres, 


THE  IMPENDING  CRISIS. 


17 


starvation  and  pauperism  everywhere — yet  it  was  only 
through  the  most  strenuous  and  persistent  agitation, 
by  large  expenditure  of  money,  by  enlisting  the 
ablest  speakers  in  the  nation,  by  the  most  persistent 
presentation,  not  only  of  the  sufferings  of  the  people, 
but  of  the  scientific  economical  truths  that  explained 
the  true  cause  of  that  suffering,  that  the  advocates  of 
industrial  emancipation  so  much  as  gained  a hearing 
in  the  parliament  of  the  nation.  Indeed,  it  is  evident 
that  the  law-makers  were  literally  coerced  into  hear- 
ing and  discussing  the  subject  by  the  intelligence  of 
the  people,  brought  about  by  one  of  the  most  gigantic 
and  best  organized  and  most  liberally  supported  prop- 
agandas ever  known  in  politics. 

We  are  now  in  a condition  similar  to  that  of  Eng- 
land from  1836  to  1846,  excepting  that  we  have  still 
unoccupied  lands  on  which  labor,  when  driven 
from  the  manufacturing  centres,  may  find  a painful 
refuge. 

Some  of  our  professed  free  traders  seem  to  think  they 
can  safely  leave  the  necessary  reform  to  be  brought 
about  by  the  sufferings  of  the  people.  Even  if  this 
opinion  were  correct,  as  a rule  of  conduct  it  is  most 
odious.  But  it  is  not  correct.  Suffering  does  not 
necessarily  produce  wisdom.  On  the  contrary,  by  re- 
ducing the  mind  to  a negative,  that  is  to  a helplessly 
receptive  condition,  it  makes  its  victims  an  easy  prey 
to  the  wildest  delusions. 

Mr.  Horace  AVhite  is  reported  as  stating  at  the  re- 
cent Cobden  Club  dinner,  that  abstract  free  trade  prin- 
ciples have  made  little  progress  in  this  country,  but 


18 


' THE  IMPENDING  CRISIS. 


that  free  trade  itself  has  made  much  progress.  A lit- 
tle more  bankruptcy,  he  says,  will  do  more  for  knock- 
ing off  the  tariff  than  free  trade  doctrines. 

There  is  much  truth  in  this  statement ; mark  it  well. 
From  want  of  an  enlightened,  patriotic,  heroic  news- 
papers press  devoting  itself  to  instructing  and  guiding 
the  people,  they  are  left  to  find  their  way  through 
darkness,  bankruptcy,  pauperism — perchance  revolu- 
tion— into  the  daylight  of  eternal  truth.  Since  the 
death  of  the  noble,  inspired  Bryant,  our  newspaper 
owners  seem  to  devote  themselves  almost  exclusively, 
to  the  acquisition  of  fortunes,  by  catering  to,  or  at  least 
compromising  with,  popular  errors  and  prejudices. 
What  would  be  thought  of  our  common  schools  if  the 
people  were  left  to  acquire  a knowledge  of  the  addi- 
tion and  multiplication  tables  through  their  blundering 
calculations  in  buying  and  selling  ? God  knows  I 
would  not  consciously  do  anything  tending  to  alienate 
the  mighty  power  of  the  press  from  the  great  cause  of 
industrial  emancipation.  In  a cause  involving  the  in- 
terests, the  happiness — yea,  the  very  existence  of  so 
many  thousands  of  my  countrymen,  as  well  as  the  pros- 
perity and  grandeur  of  the  nation,  I feel  that  no 
sacrifice  would  be  too  great  for  me  to  make,  if  I could 
enlist  the  all-powerful  press  on  the  side  of  the  people. 
Surely  each  of  our  great  newspapers  could  afford  to 
have  on  its  editorial  staff  at  least  one  thoroughly  in- 
structed economist  and  able  writer.  I think  it  is  most 
fitting,  if  not  the  special  province  of  the  newspaper 
press,  to  deal  with  social  science.  The  exigencies  of 
society  in  the  rapid  movements  of  modern  times  are 


THE  IMPENDING  CRISIS. 


19 


too  great  and  urgent  to  wait  for  instruction  through 
books  alone,  even  with  the  aid  of  the  lecture-room. 

I am  w^ell  aware  that  in  the  application  of  scientific 
principles  to  legislation,  it  is  sometimes  necessary  to 
make  grave  concessions  to  circumstances  arising  gener- 
ally out  of  popular  ignorance.  It  is  the  business  and 
imperative  duty  of  free  traders  to  see  to  it  that,  during 
the  year  that  must  elapse  before  the  presidential  can- 
vass fairly  begins,  as  much  light  shall  be  poured  into 
the  public  mind  as  possible,  and  as  little  ignorance  and 
misconception  left  for  the  law-makers  to  contend  with. 

It  is  our  business  to  present  principles,  and  to  speak 
the  truth  pure  and  simple.  You  cannot  reach  the  un- 
derstanding and  conscience  of  the  people  by  mixing 
truth  with  error,  light  with  darkness.  You  cannot 
successfully  assault  the  fortress  of  “ protection,”  armed 
and  defended  as  it  is  by  the  pride  and  powTer  of  ill- 
gotten  wealth,  under  the  banner  of  compromise.  Af- 
ter all  that  may  be  done  there  will  be  concessions 
enough  made  when  the  question  reaches  the  halls  of 
Congress — to  ignorance  directly,  and  to  interests  de- 
fended by  ignorance. 

The  propagandists  of  liberty  will  have  an  immense 
advantage  in  illustrating  principles  by  existing  facts. 
The  markets  of  the  world  will  remain  closed  to  us, 
while  English  commerce  will  disport  itself,  free  from 
all  apprehensions,  on  every  wave  and  island  continent. 
Our  manufactures  cut  down  carefully  to  the  needs  of 
a single  nation  under  ruinous  competition,  walled  in  by 
a tariff  that  lets  out  nothing  and  lets  in  everything — 
even  paupers. 


20 


THE  IMPENDING  CRISIS. 


No  important  branch  of  our  manufacturing  industry, 
and  no  mining  industry  that  is  confined  to  the  home 
market,  is  able  to  work  full  time.  Some  of  the  most 
important,  such  as  shoes  and  woollens,  can  only  work 
half  time.  It  is  known  that  the  existing  plant  in  these 
branches  can  supply  a whole  year’s  wants  of  this  coun- 
try in  six  months,  and  that  they  have  the  means  of 
indefinite  and  rapid  expansion  if  they  had  free  access 
to  the  open  market.  We  export  plain  cottons,  in  the 
manufacture  of  which  no  tariff- taxed  chemicals  are 
necessary,  but  most  of  these  go  to  England  because 
we  have  no  regular  communication  direct  with  the  con- 
sumers.  Thus  we  pay  toll  on  the  little  we  do  export. 

During  twenty  years  the  increment  of  the  national 
wealth  has  been  almost  entirely  derived  from  the 
settlement  of  new  lands  and  the  building  of  railroads 
connecting  them  with  the  marts  of  commerce;  nearly 
all  the  rest  has  been  wasted  by  legislative  interference 
with  industry  through  the  tariff. 

We  are  approaching  the  crisis  of  the  tariff  question 
through  a process  which  furnishes  a perfect  illustration 
of  what  is  commonly  known  as  the  logic  of  events. 

Again  and  again  that  part  of  our  population  whose 
tastes  drew  them  to  the  cities  to  engage  in  commerce 
and  manufactures,  have  been  driven  out  into  the  high- 
ways, because  they  could  not  compete  with  free  trade 
in  the  markets  of  the  world,  owing  to  the  heaviest  tax- 
ation on  commodities  used  by  labor  known  to  the 
whole  history  of  legislation.  Once  more  this  painful 
process  has  begun.  Operatives  are  being  discharged 
from  our  mines  and  factories  by  thousands.  Commod- 


THE  IMPENDING  CRISIS. 


21 


ities  are  so  loaded  down  with  taxation  that  they  cannot 
be  moved  out  of  the  country.  Under  these  conditions 
the  assertion  that  the  tariff  makes  wages  becomes  a 
cruel  mockery.  The  logic  of  events  is  illustrating  the 
truth  of  science  that  taxes  on  commodities  tend  to  pau- 
perize labor.  These  conditions  will  soon  convince  in- 
telligent manufacturers  that  half-measures  of  tariff  re- 
form may  injure  them,  but  cannot  afford  the  only  relief 
possible — access  to  the  open  markets  of  the  world,  on 
equal  terms  with  the  free-trade  countries,  which  are 
rapidly  monopolizing  the  trade  of  the  world. 

The  vested  interests,  so-called,  are  now  suffering 
more  than  they  would  suffer  from  an  immediate  enact- 
ment of  free  trade.  A slow,  tentative  process  of  reform 
will  simply  bleed  them  to  death.  Yet  such  is  the  tim- 
idity of  capital  that  many  would  cling  to  it  until  their 
last  dollar  had  disappeared. 

Thus  the  logic  of  events  is  instructing  the  people, 
slowly  and  painfully.  The  momentous  question  of  the 
day  is  this : Will  our  statesmen  help  the  process  or 
will  they  retard  it  ? If  parties  could  always  learn  the 
truth  from  their  own  experience,  there  would  be  no 
doubt  about  the  answer.  ♦ 

For  nearly  twenty  years  the  Democratic  Party  has 
been  trying  to  get  possession  of  the  National  govern- 
ment through  evasion — by  leaving  its  position  on  ques- 
tions dear  to  the  popular  heart,  undefined  and  uncertain. 
The  people  distrusted  it,  fearing  it  had  some  occult 
policy  it  dared  not  avow.  Gentlemen  of  the  Demo- 
cratic Party,  you  know  this  is  true ; you  gave  the 
people  no  choice ; you  forced  them  to  gulp  down  the 


22 


THE  IMPENDING  CRISIS. 


rottenness  and  stench  of  the  Republican  Party,  to  hold 
their  nose,  and  make  the  best  of  it.  Will  you  again 
try  this  policy  of  obscurantism  ? If  you  do,  I can  con- 
fidently predict  it  will  be  the  last  time ; and  the  result 
of  this  last  experiment  will  be  a lesson  to  your  chil- 
dren and  your  children’s  children  forever. 

Still,  the  position  of  the  Democratic  Party  on  the 
tariff  question  is  of  far  more  importance  to  the  party 
itself,  than  to  the  ultimate  success  of  tariff  reform.  If 
it  evades  and  dodges  it,  and,  in  consequence,  the  Repub- 
lican Party  carry  the  election,  it  will  not  postpone  the 
reform  very  long,  because  the  latter  Party,  though 
elected  on  a protectionist  platform,  will  be  forced  by 
the  inexorable  necessities  of  trade  to  pass  a sweeping 
reform.  When  the  Republican  Party  passes  an  exclu- 
sively revenue  tariff,  it  will  be  over  the  grave  of  the 
Democratic  Party.  When  this  happens,  Olympus  will 
fairly  shake  with  the  laughter  of  the  gods  at  beholdiug 
such  a comical,  yet  righteous  denouement. 

We  cannot  be  too  urgent  in  trying  to  impress  the 
public  mind  with  the  fact  that  this  is  no  ordinary  oc- 
casion in  which  the  question  at  issue  can  be  disposed 
of  tentatively  or  empirically.  This  is  one  of  those 
rare  crises,  in  which  the  mere  politicians  and  straddlers 
will,  sooner  or  later,  be  relegated  to  a back  seat,  and 
statesmen  only  be  permitted  to  the  front. 

The  popular  cry  in  the  coming  Presidential  election 
should  be,  and  I trust  will  be : DOWN  WITH 
TAXES ! NO  MORE  TAXES  ON  LABOR  ! ! 
The  genuine  statesman  does  not  require  to  wait  for 
the  full  development  and  expression  of  public  opinion 


THE  IMPENDING  CRISIS. 


23 


before  acting.  In  common  with  the  people  he  sees  the 
evil,  but  above  and  beyond  the  people  he  discerns  the 
remedy. 

Who  among  our  statesmen  will  have  the  boldness  to 
propose  a tax  bill  promising  an  annual  deficit  in  the 
revenue  of  fifty  to  a hundred  millions  ? 

When  we  enter  the  open  markets  of  the  world,  our 
workingmen,  capitalists  also,  for  that  matter,  will  re- 
quire just  this  thing,  and  they  have  a perfect  right  to 
demand  it.  It  would  be  a small  part  of  what  has  been 
squeezed  out  of  their  hearts'  blood  during  the  past 
twenty  years.  The  deficit  would  not  last  long.  Under 
free  trade  the  expansion  would  be  so  great  that  the 
deficit  would  soon  be  covered,  without  any  increase  in 
the  rate  of  taxation.  In  the  meantime,  our  workers 
will  have  become  masters  of  the  situation. 

A large  surplus  in  the  revenues  is  always  proof  of 
incompetency  on  the  part  of  those  who  frame  and  enact 
the  laws,  and,  when  permitted  to  continue,  of  neglect 
or  ignorance  among  the  people. 

Whenever  and  wherever  reduction  of  taxes  will 
cause  expansion  of  trade,  the  reduction  should  be  made 
without  hesitation,  trusting  to  the  expansion  to  recover 
the  revenue.  I beg  you  will  pause  here  and  consider 
this  carefully.  It  is  the  very  essence  of  econom- 
ical science  and  statesmanship.  Yet,  as  a rule  of  con- 
duct, it  is  simplicity  itself. 

A great  commercial  and  manufacturing  nation,  pos- 
sessed of  a governing  body  adequate  in  intelligence  to 
the  needs  of  such  a nation,  will  never  permit  a surplus 
of  revenue  without  an  immediate  reduction  of  taxes ; 


24 


THE  IMPENDING  CRISIS. 


and  they  will  always  prefer  a slight  deficit  to  a large 
surplus.  In  short,  a large  surplus  should  be  treated  as 
evidence  of  want  of  foresight  or  something  worse. 

Who  among  our  statesmen  will  be  the  first  to  pro- 
pose the  enactment  of  an  income  tax  producing  a hun- 
dred millions  per  annum  ? This  is  the  most  just  of  all 
taxes,  and  in  its  operation  the  easiest  of  all  burdens  on 
industry.  It  is  an  immense  relief  to  labor,  and  still,  in 
the  end,  benefits  property. 

As  a property-owner  myself  I am  decidedly  in  favor  of 
it.  Nor  will  I pretend  that  I am  so  from  exclusively 
philanthropic  motives.  Not  only  will  I be  amply  com- 
pensated by  my  share  in  tlie  general  prosperity ; I be- 
lieve it  is  just,  and  I am  convinced  that  justice  is  the 
only  sure  defence  of  property. 

The  system  of  levying  taxes  on  commodities  of  nec- 
essary consumption  is  terribly  oppressive  to  the  worker, 
and  therefore  it  is  unjust.  No  man  who  has  himself 
passed  through  the  struggle  of  poverty,  arriving  ulti- 
mately at  the  possession  of  wealth,  if  he  be  just  and 
wise,  will  desire  to  see  those  who  are  now  struggling 
as  he  once  struggled  ground  down  by  taxation  to 
support  the  government. 

It  is  this  unjust  system  of  taxation  which  is  the 
cause  of  that  alarming  unrest  which  is  seen  all  over  the 
civilized  world,  and  heard  with  something  of  the  feel- 
ing produced  by  the  first  rumblings  of  an  earthquake. 
Hitherto  this  has  had  its  origin  in  ignorance,  hencefor- 
ward there  shall  be  no  excuse. 

Such  measures  as  I have  indicated  or  others  equally 
effective  in  the  same  direction,  will  be  a necessity  as 


THE  IMPENDING  CRISIS. 


25 


soon  as  we  enter  tlie  open  markets  of  the  world  to  sell 
our  manufactures. 

The  immediate  purpose  of  this  address  is  to  start 
a propaganda  to  visit  all  parts  of  the  country  and 
address  all  the  people,  especially  the  working  people 
who  are  most  deeply  interested  on  the  tariff  question. 

When  the  industrial  people  of  England  began  their 
struggle  for  freedom  of  industry  in  1840,  the  first  thing 
they  did  was  to  raise  a fund  of  $250,000.  Afterward 
there  was  a call  for  $500,000,  and  nearly  $600,000  was 
subscribed.  Finally,  on  a call  from  the  Free  Trade 
League,  a million  and  a quarter  dollars  was  subscribed 
in  a short  time.  The  richer  men  among  the  reformers 
did  not  wait  for  the  first  $250,000  to  be  subscribed, 
but  clubbed  together  and  guaranteed  it  to  the  Free 
Trade  League,  confiding  in  the  popular  subscription  to 
reimburse  them. 

The  free  traders  in  this  country  are  poor.  They  have 
been  able  to  print  and  distribute  a few  thousand  tracts 
which  a few  people  of  leisure  have  read,  but  which 
rarely  get  into  the  hands  of  the  masses,  who  are  much 
more  attracted  by  partisan  stump  speeches,  or  in  fact 
any  kind  of  public  speaking. 

We  are  now  within  a year  of  the  presidential  can- 
vass. Already  the  politicians  are  laying  their  wires  to 
catch  by  any  means  the  popular  vote.  The  Republican 
Party  seems  to  realize  that  it  is  irretrievably  committed 
to  the  system  of  discriminating  taxation  called  a pro- 
tective tariff.  Its  leaders  are  carefully  spreading  a 
gigantic  net,  in  which  to  entangle  and  mesh  the  popu- 
lar intelligence.  Two  of  their  projects  have  already 


26 


THE  IMPENDING  CRISIS. 


come  to  tlie  surface,  and  extraordinary  and  audaciously 
absurd  as  they  may  seem  to  the  scientific  economist, 
they  are  a legitimate  natural  outgrowth  of  the  “ protec- 
tionist ” system.  They  look  like  fraud,  but  in  truth 
they  are  to  a large  extent  unconscious  fraud.  The  tree 
of  “protection”  secretes  fraud  at  its  roots,  and  it  must 
necessarily  exhale  fraud  from  its  foliage.  It  is  as  natu- 
ral, and  generally  as  unconscious  as  the  growth  of  a tree. 

The  first  project  is  to  send  an  emissary  to  Europe — 
an  expert  writer,  as  expert  in  the  coloring  and  use  of 
facts — as  a professional  statistician  in  the  use  of  figures 
— to  write  home  a series  of  letters  about  the  condition 
of  European  labor,  in  the  interest  of  the  protectionist 
system  here. 

Now,  once  for  all,  let  us  dispose  of  this  device.  I 
intend  to  make  it  so  plain  that  any  school-boy  will  un- 
derstand it.  The  question  is  as  to  the  merits  of  two 
opposite  kinds  of  economical  legislation  on  the  industry 
and  physical  support  of  the  people.  What  is  the  final 
test  in  the  answer  to  this  question  ? I will  tell  you. 

That  is  the  best  and  most  successful  system  which 
supports  the  largest  number  of  human  beings  on  the 
smallest  area  of  earth,  other  things  being  equal.  It  so 
happens,  and  depend  upon  it  it  is  no  accident,  that  the 
largest  population  to  the  superficial  area  is  in  the 
free  trade  countries,  England,  Belgium,  Holland,  and 
Switzerland.  England  has  about  400  to  the  square 
mile,  Belgium  485,  Holland  316,  and  Switzerland,  in 
the  midst  of  snow-clad  mountains,  the  best  governed 
country  in  the  world,  has  177.  No  protectionist 
country  has  yet  succeeded  in  sustaining  tolerably  200 


THE  IMPENDING  CRISIS. 


27 


to  the  square  mile  ; France  has  180,  Germany  199,  and 
her  people  are  flying  from  the  country  with  a rapidity 
that  threatens  to  Germanize  the  whole  world.  Austria 
has  156,  Spain,  the  country  most  like  the  United  States 
in  tariffs  and  natural  gifts,  has  only  84,  and  46  per 
cent  of  her  area  is  totally  uncultivated.  The  United 
States  has  only  14  to  the  square  mile.  Leaving  the 
others  for  the  present,  let  us  compare  this  country  and 
England.  They  are  most  alike  in  race,  climate,  pro- 
ductiveness of  soil,  and  mineral  resources. 

Nearly  forty  years  ago  England  started  on  the  way 
toward  free  trade.  The  United  States  took  the  flrst 
step  and  a halting  second,  after  which  there  was  a 
complete  reversal,  since  which  we  have  driven  the 
restrictive  system  to  an  extreme  not  known  in  any 
really  industrial  nation  in  history. 

In  forty  years  England  has  added  fifty  per  cent  to  her 
population  without  a single  additional  acre  to  put  them 
on ; she  has  reduced  her  pauperism  sixty  per  cent  and  the 
number  of  her  criminals  much  more  than  sixty  per  cent. 

The  wages  of  her  mechanics  and  laborers  have  been 
doubled.  In  1846  it  required  four  and  one  fifth  days’ 
wages  to  buy  one  bushel  of  wheat.  Now  two  and  one 
half  days  of  similar  work  will  buy  it. 

The  United  States  in  the  same  time  has  nearly 
doubled  her  territory,  so  that,  notwithstanding  the  in- 
crease of  population,  the  number  of  inhabitants  to  the 
square  mile  is  not  much  greater  than  in  1840.  Then 
there  was  not  a street  beggar  or  a tramp  reported  any- 
where in  the  nation.  Then  there  were  no  strikes  and 
no  short  time.  Then  our  foreign  commerce  was  equal 


28 


THE  IMPENDING  CRISIS. 


to  that  of  England  per  capita.  Our  merchant  marine 
was  equal  in  tonnage,  and  admittedly  superior  in  quality. 
Our  national  navy  was  worthy  of  the  nation,  and 
deemed  a match  for  any  on  earth. 

I will  not  state  how  all  these  things  are  now — I 
would  spare  your  feelings — I must  spare  my  own. 
Great  God  ! what  a contrast.  Eight  hundred  years  ago 
the  English  were  a conquered  people,  trodden  under 
foot  by  Norman  robbers,  the  whole  soil  wrested  from 
them  by  violence,  and  never  to  this  day  returned  to  its 
rightful  owners,  though  the  contest  on  the  questions 
arising  out  of  that  robbery  continues  to  this  day,  and 
is  now  more  bitter  than  at  any  time  in  many  hun- 
dred years.  Yet  with  all  that,  simply  through  freedom 
of  industry,  they  have  gotten  almost  as  complete  pos- 
session of  the  commerce  of  the  globe  as  the  Normans 
had  seven  hundred  years  ago  of  English  land.  In  the 
face  of  these  facts,  our  protectionists  have  undertaken 
to  reconcile  the  American  people  to  a protective  tariff 
by  comparing  the  condition  of  labor  in  the  two  coun- 
tries. 

I have  no  right  to  doubt  the  integrity  of  these  gentle- 
men ; I willingly  believe  they  think  they  are  doing  their 
country  good  service,  though  one  would  suppose,  if 
that  were  the  only  motive,  they  would  have  gone 
among  our  tenement-house  population,  among  the 
thousands  of  our  operatives  working  short  time,  and 
consequently  for  short  wages,  and  the  other  thousands 
entirely  idle  for  want  of  a market  for  their  products, 
paying  double  price  for  their  tools  and  for  the  clothing 
that  protects  them  from  the  blasts  of  winter,  in  order 


THE  IMPENDING  CRISIS. 


29 


to  support  a government  that  does  nothing  but  oppress 
them.  It  seems  strange,  but  still  I will  admit  that 
their  intentions  are  honest ; but  the  thing  for  us  to  con- 
sider is  this:  if  gentlemen  of  education,  in  some  sort 
of  training  and  culture,  such  as  the  schools  and  colleges 
furnish  everywhere,  will  seriously  undertake  such  a 
childish,  illogical,  mountainous  absurdity  as  this,  what 
is  to  protect  from  imposture  and  delusion  the  poor 
workingman,  without  training,  without  time  for  reflec- 
tion, toiling  all  day,  and  sleeping  all  night  the  sleep  of 
the  weary  ? 

I appeal  to  intelligent  and  patriotic  Americans : Are 
you  going  to  sit  still  and  see  the  blind  leading  the 
blind  into  an  abyss  ? 

How  much  less  are  you  willing  to  do  for  your  coun- 
try than  Englishmen  did  under  like  circumstances  ? 

Remember  that  under  popular  government  you 
cannot  ordinarily  expect  the  Legislature  to  move  with- 
out a demand  from  public  opinion.  In  modern  society 
public  opinion  is  the  one  power  that  approaches  om- 
nipotence. When  it  is  alive  and  active,  it  not  only 
dictates  the  enactment  of  laws,  but  it  also  enforces 
them.  Without  a sound,  well-defined,  resolute  pub- 
lic opinion,  society  drifts  toward  disintegration,  the 
laws  become  a dead  letter,  and  private  vengeance 
takes  the  place  of  legal  punishment,  and  if  not  ar- 
rested by  an  aroused  popular  intelligence  the  upshot 
is  anarchy. 

I call  my  address  the  Impending  Crisis.  In  truth 
the  crisis  is  upon  us.  There  is  not  a moment  to  spare. 
The  other  scheme  of  the  protectionists  to  which  I 


30 


THE  IMPENDING  CRISIS. 


referred  is  this.  After  convincing  the  working-people 
that  taxation  is  good  for  them,  by  telling  them  all 
about  the  “ pauper  labor  of  Europe,”  they  are  devising 
a new  scheme  to  get  rid  of  the  surplus  revenue,  with- 
out resorting  to  the  scandalous  methods  that  have  ex- 
cited popular  indignation  in  the  past. 

It  is  now  gravely  proposed  to  divide  the  surplus 
revenue  among  the  States.  When  this  was  first  pro- 
posed it  was  not  considered  serious.  It  should  be  re- 
membered that,  after  all,  this  scheme  is  not  new  at  all. 
It  is  forty  years  old.  It  is  merely  an  imitation  of 
Henry  Clay’s  scheme  to  divide  the  proceeds  of  the 
public  lands  among  the  States.  “ Whom  the  Gods 
wish  to  destroy  they  first  make  mad ; ” Pennsylvania 
seems  to  be  drunk  with  the  proceeds  of  public 
plunder.  Consider  this  for  a moment. 

Nearly  all  State  taxes  are  levied  on  realized  prop- 
erty ; nearly  all  National  taxes  are  levied  on  articles 
necessary  to  the  industry  and  comfort  of  working  peo- 
ple. The  brigand  has  put  his  head  out  of  the  bush  to 
reconnoitre  and  see  if  his  purpose  is  suspected. 
What  think  you,  workingmen,  of  his  countenance  ? 

It  is  deliberately  proposed  that  the  small  fraction  of 
the  revenue  now  paid  by  the  rich  shall  give  place  to 
taxes  levied  on  the  poor.  The  protectionists  have  so 
long  successfully  deceived  workingmen  — and  them- 
selves also,  most  probably,  that  they  have  at  last  con- 
cluded that  the  masses  of  mankind  are  donkeys,  made 
to  be  ridden.  The  State  taxes  being  mostly  paid  by 
property,  there  is  rarely  any  surplus,  and  expenditure 
is  closely  watched. 


THE  IMPENDING  CRISIS. 


31 


National  taxes  being  mostly  paid  by  tlie  industrial 
classes,  there  is  a constant  surplus  and  nobody  to 
watch  the  expenditure,  because  working  people  are 
too  busy,  and  according  to  the  estimate  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, too  ignorant. 

It  is  said  that  the  socialists  and  communists  propose 
to  divide  the  property  of  the  few  among  the  many.  If 
that  is  deemed  robbery,  what  shall  we  call  the  Penn- 
sylvania scheme  to  divide  the  earnings  of  the  many 
among  the  few?  It  is  an  attempt  to  reverse  the 
whole  order  of  our  free  Constitution  by  securing  the 
greatest  good  to  the  smallest  number. 

Surely  I have  a right  to  appeal  to  workingmen  for 
subscriptions  to  a propagandist  fund.  This  is  the 
workingman’s  cause  preeminently. 

It  is  proposed  to  appoint  a National  Committee  to 
take  charge  of  the  fund,  and  that  every  patriot  in  the 
nation  will  be  appealed  to.  I hope  to  see  a million 
dollars  raised  in  a short  time. 

The  protectionists  raise  their  funds  in  secret.  This 
is  the  cause  of  the  Nation,  and  it  should  be  open  and 
above  board.  If  the  rich,  the  thrifty-and  well-to-do 
do  not  subscribe  liberally,  it  will  be  to  them  an  ever- 
lasting shame. 

This  is  a cause  worthy  of  the  most  strenuous  efforts 
of  every  patriot.  It  is  not  a question  between  five 
dollars  a ton  and  seven  dollars  on  pig  iron,  it  is  a 
question  of  liberty,  with  all  that  word  means.  It  is  a 
question  of  industrial  emancipation.  It  is  not  merely 
a question  of  improving  our  industrial  condition  some- 
what, and  thereby  making  it  tolerable.  The  question 


32 


THE  IMPENDING  CRISIS. 


is,  whether  we  are  to  be  the  first  commercial  nation  on 
earth,  or  among  the  last — a hissing  and  a byword,  for 
having  squandered  the  richest  gifts  of  nature,  like  a 
spendthrift  born  in  a palace,  and  reaching  premature 
old  age  in  poverty.  Born  to  be  the  leader  and  ex- 
emplar of  social  and  political  liberty,  degenerating  into 
a nation  divided  into  tribute-payers  and  tribute-re- 
ceivers, monopolists  and  helpless  toilers,  into  million- 
aires and  paupers.  The  question  is,  whether  the  people 
will  rouse  themselves,  and  by  one  great  effort  purify 
the  atmosphere  as  with  a thunderstorm,  or  permit  the 
poison  to  spread,  until  our  whole  social  and  political 
system  degenerates  under  it. 

This  is  no  time  for  timid  counsels.  In  such  times, 
mediocrity,  either  of  intelligence  or  patriotism,  takes 
refuge  in  conservatism.  He  whose  soul  is  dominated 
by  love  for  his  country  and  for  truth,  will  not  take 
counsel  with  his  fears.  Never  was  the  counsel  of 
Danton  more  appropriate  and  more  wise  than  now: 
De  Vaudace , encore  de  Vaudace , tons  jour  de  Vaudace . 


The  originals  of  the  Illustrations  used  in  this  Pamphlet  can  he 
oeen  at  Mr.  McKay's  office,  15  Whitehall  St.,  New  York. 


/ ' r 

FREE  TRADE  TOILERS. 


Ah  Opeh  Letter  to  Workingien. 

9*'  „ # - a i ** 

[REISSUED  SEPT.  1890.] 


WHICH  SHALL  IT  BE? 


THE  RESULTS  OF  AN  AMERICAN’S  TOUR  AMONG 
ENGLAND’S  MASSES. 


STARVATION  WAGES  FOE  MEN  AND  WOMEN. 


NEW  Y0I1K  : 

E8TATK  OF  DAVID  H.  GILDER8LKEVE,  PMKTRi:, 

45  to  61  Rose  Street. 


2 


New  York,  Septembek  10th,  18&Q. 


Hon.  MATTHEW  S.  QUAY, 

Chairman  of  the  Republican  National  Committee : 

Dear  Sir: 

In  July  last  I visited  Europe  on  private  business,  and  to  get  some  facts 
in  regard  to  the  working  people,  to  defeat  Cleveland.  While  traveling  in  Great 
Britain,  I saw  so  much  distress,  poverty,  degradation  and  starvation  among  the 
working  classes  that  I was  forcibly  impressed  with  the  idea  that  the  American 
working  people  would  shrink  in  disgust  from  supporting  the  Free  Trade  system, 
if  the  misery  of  “ cheap  labor”  was  fairly  brought  to  their  notice.  It  occurred 
to  me  also  that  people  as  intelligent  as  are  tbe  mechanics  and  laborers  of  this 
coun'ry,  would  begin  then  to  consider  their  present  comparative  condition  and, 
in  the  coming  election,  stamp  out  forever  the  unscrupulous  blatant  politicians 
who  are  now  endeavoring  to  delude  them  with  a deceitful  revision  of  the  Tariff. 
I feel  assured  that  after  comparing  their  present  condition  with  that  of  the 
working  classes  of  Great  Britain , every  American  working  man  and  woman 
would  be  interested  in  this  burning  issue— this  Tariff  question.  I have  gathered 
material  enough,  I thiuk,  to  convince  any  intelligent  working  man  of  his  probable 
future  condition , if  the  bulwark  of  governmental  protection  should  be  torn 
down.  I have  collected  a large  and  various  quantity  of  books,  pamphlets, 
papers,  lithographs  and  bill  posters,  that  testily  to  the  futile  struggle  that  the 
starving  working  classes  of  Great  Britain  are  now  making  against  the  fallacy  of 
the  Free  Trade  system.  I have  brought  with  me,  as  evidence  of  the  present 
deplorable  condition  of  the  British  working  people,  the  very  clogs,  even,  that  the 
men,  women  and  children  are  compelled,  in  their  destitution,  to  wear  ; and  as 
evidence  of  their  pitiful  degradation  the  very  chains  that  the  women  are  obliged 
to  forge  in  smitheries  and  for  the  merest  pittance.  All  this  I am  ready  at  any 
time  to  exhibit.  My  information  has  been  gathered  judiciously,  and  the  testimony 
bearing  on  this  subject  waa  taken  by  me  from  the  people  (men  and  women ) per- 
sonally. It  is  my  hope  and  desire  that  your  Committee  may  utilize  this  material, 
which  I herewith  present  to  you,  free  of  charge.  It  will  be  convincing  evidence, 
I think,  to  the  American  working  people,  that  the  ambitious  and  unscrupulous 
politicians  who  are  endeavoring  to  tear  down  our  beneficent  system  of  protection, 
are  nothing  more  nor  less  than  natural  allies  of  the  greedy  British  speculators 
who  struck  such  dastardly  blows  at  the  life  of  this  Government  during  the  late 
Re  ellion.  These  same  mercantile  jackals  have  been  fattening  on  the  distress 
of  their  own  countrymen  for  years.  They  are.  too,  watching  ‘ cat  like”  for  the 
slightest  diminution  of  our  Protective  Tariff,  that,  they  may  then  flood  our 
markets  with  the  products  of  British  “cheap  labor,”  in  which  event,  the  suffer- 
ing now  prevailing  throughout  all  European  Free  Trade  countries  would  be  car- 
ried into  lhe  home  of  every  working  man  in  the  land.  The  nature  of  such  a 
lamentable  state  of  affairs  can  be  very  plainly  seen  in  the  data  that  I have  gath- 
ered and  which  is  referred  to  in  the  foregoing.  It  is  simply  appalling,  and  I 
fancy  that  you  will  agree  with  me  that  gathered,  as  it  has  been,  solely  for  the 
benefit  of  the  American  working  people,  this  information  shou  d be  scattered 
broadcast  over  the  country. 

I am,  very  truly  yours, 

NATHANIEL  MoKAY. 


#sa{  1| 


LETTER  OF 


NATHANIEL  McKAY. 


r 


* 


Mr.  Nathaniel  McKay,  of  New  York  City,  has  just  returned  from  a two  months’ 
tour  through  England,  where  he  spent  nearly  all  his  time  in  investigating  the  wages 
and  living  of  the  British  working  people.  Mr.  McKay  went  among  the  mechanics 
and  artisans  of  that  country  to  see  and  hear  for  himself,  and  to  ascertain  the  effect 
of  England’s  free  trade  policy  on  her  toilers.  He  has  returned  here  with  what  he 
calls  a “log”  of  his  journejings,  and  has  put  into  the  form  of  an  open  letter  to  his 
countrymen  the  results  of  his  observations,  llis  accouut  of  his  trip  is  couched  in 
plain,  simple  language,  but  it  presents  a striking  contrast  between  the  condition  of 
the  average  working  man  in  this  country  and  his  brethren  in  free  trade  England. 
The  letter  is  as  follows: 

To  the  Workingmen  of  America: 

Two  months  ago  I sailed  for  England  bent  on  learning  the  real  condition  of  the 
working  classes  of  that  country  by  going  among  them  and  asking  them  to  speak 
for  themselves.  Many  years’  experience  has  taught  me  what  it  is  to  earn  a living 
by  the  “ sweat  of  my  brow,”  for  I have  toiled  as  a mechanic  and  spent  the  greater 
part  of  my  life  amoug  the  working  people;  but  never  before  have  I seen  the  bone 
and  sinew  of  a great  land  so  shackled  with  the  sla  ve  chains  of  poverty  and  degra- 
dation as  during  my  short  stay  among  the  t'-iiing  masses  of  free  trade  England. 
I have  no  wish  to  paint  the  picture  in  dark  colors  or  exaggerated  language— God 
knows  the  best  is  distressing  enough — nor  have  I any  motive  save  to  lay  the  plain, 
unquestioned  facts  before  you  of  America,  so  that  you  can  judge  for  yourselves 
whetheryou  prefer  that  this  governmentshall  continue  toaflordyou  the  protection 
which  your  labor  now  enjoys,  or  that  it  shall  open  its  ports  to  the  free  importation 
of  the  products  of  the  land  I have  just  been  in.  The  decision  is  in  your  hands,  and 
will  be  made  by  your  votes. 

It  is  without  <ioubt  the  inherent  right  of  the  consumer  to  buy  where  he  can  buy 
cheapest,  but  I am  confident  that  no  American  workingman  wants  to  bring  him- 
self and  his  brethren  down  to  the  level  of  misery,  poverty  and  the  hopelessness  to 
be  found  in  every  industrial  centre  in  England.  Facts  are  stubborn  things,  and 
the  facts  that  I have  gathered  among  the  British  working  classes  show  that  free 
trade  is  the  blight  ami  the  curse  that  rests  upon  that  land  and  its  wage  earners. 
Human  beings  can  be  forced  to  no  lower  depth  of  destitution  and  despair  than  I 
witnessed  in  the  land  we  cdl  “Merrie  England,”  as  a consequence  of  its  economic 
policy;  and  it  is  with  the  earnest  hope  that  our  great  and  prosperous  country  shall 
not  tie  turned  into  a land  of  paupers,  starving  workingmen  and  ruined  industries, 
that  I address  you.  If  free  trade  is  to  be  our  policy  it  will  not  be  long  before  the 
misery  and  suffering  at  present  among  the  English  toilers  will  be  stalking  through 
this  land.  too. 

My  tour  among  the  working  people  of  England  began  at  Liverpool,  where  I 
landed  July  2fi.  The  first  fact  that  confronted  me  was  that  there  were  817,289 
people  suoporied  as  paupers  in  England  and  Wales  alone,  during  the  past  year, 
and  442.289  were  in  an  actual  state  of  destitution  in  Ireland  Leaving  poor  Ire- 
land out  of  the  reckoning,  the  percentage  of  paupers  among  the  population  of 
England  and  Wales  is  3,171.  Perhaps  something  of  this  is  due  to  the  fact  that 
10,207  persons  own  two-thirds  of  England  and  Wales,  and  1,942  own  the  same 
proportion  of  the  land  of  Ireland. 


4 


SOME  WAGES  PAID  AROUND  MANCHESTER. 

Leaving  Liverpool  for  a time  I went  to  Manchester.  The  girl  having  charge  of 
the  telegraph  and  post  office  there,  and  runniug  both,  told  me  she  was  paid  16s. 
($4)  per  week.  She  worksll  hours  a day.  In  the  restaurant  in  which  I breakfasted 
the  waitress  stated  that  she  earned  13s.  ($3.25)  a week,  worked  from  8 till  8 and 
found  her  own  food,  or  paid  for  whatever  she  ate.  My  first  day  was  spent  in 
ascertaining  the  wages  for  men  in  different  industries,  and  the  result  will  be  found 
below.  In  every  case  I state  the  highest  figures  that  were  given  me. 

PROTECTION  AND  FREE  TRADE  CONTRASTED. 

In  Liverpool  ship  carpenters  and  calkers  can  earn  7s  per  day  of  10  hours, 
longshoremen  get  5s.  for  10  hours,  a tailor  (foreman  and  cutter)  is  paid  about  £2 
per  week,  a German  tailor  gets  7d.  per  hour,  bricklayers  earn  8d.  per  hour.  While 
in  Liverpool  I received  a letter  giving  the  wages  of  the  workingmen  employed  in 
John  Elder  & Co.’s  shipyard  at  Glasgow,  Scotland,  on  August  20.  At  the  same 
time  I received  a similar  statement,  from  the  shipbuilding  firm  of  Neafle  & Levy, 
of  Philadelphia,  dated  July  20,  only  a month  apart.  The  wages  paid  by  the  two 
firms  compare  as  follows: 


Occupations,  etc 


United 

States. 


England. 


Angle  iroa  smiths 

Blacksmiths,  Liverpool  and  New  York  : 

Shipsmiths 

Chainsmiths,  man  and  wife 

Staffordshire 

Staffordshire,  female 

Boilermakers,  Liverpool  and  New  York 


$12.00 

19.50 


16.80 

f 6.00 


$ 6. U 

6.48 

4.50 

2.50 
1 26 

8.50 


Bookbinders 

Bricklayers,  London  and  New  York 

Calkers,  Liverpool  and  New  York 

Carpenters,  house,  London  and  New  York. 
Carpenters  ship,  Glasgow  and  New  York. . 
Carpenters,  ship,  Liverpool  and  New  York. 

Conductors 

Engineers,  locomotive 

Firemen,  locomotive 

Hod-c  rriers.  Liverpool  and  New  York 

Helpers,  Glasgow  and  New  York 

Holdera-on,  Glasgow  and  New  York 

Joiners,  Glasgow  and  New  York 


6.00 

7.00 

8.00 
24.30 
19.60 
21.00 
19.60 

19.50 

14.00 

21.00 
12.00 

15.00 

10.00 

10.50 
18.00 


3.60 


10.8* 

10.50 

10.80 

7.30 

10.80 

4.50 

8.76 


6.00 

7.02 


Laborers : 


London  and  New  York 

Liverpool  docks;  longshoremen,  New  York. 


12.00  1 

15.00  f 

24.00  { 


4.80 

6.00 

7.60 


Farms  (with  board) 

Glasgow  and  New  York 

Ordinary,  Glasgow  and  New  York 

Gn  roads,  streets,  etc.,  London  and  New  York  — 

Factories,  Wigan  and  Providence 

Machinists,  first-class,  Liverpool  and  New  York 

Machinists,  second-class,  Glasgow  and  Philadelphia. 

Masons,  London  and  New  York 

MolderB.  Glasgow  and  New  York 

Painters,  London  and  New  York 

Plasterers,  London  and  New  York 

Pattern-makers 


2.76 
3.75 
10.50 
( 9.00  \ 

1 10.50  f 

7.50 
8.60 


24.60 

19.60 

15.00 
21  00 

21.00 


1.60 

4.32 

8.78 

4.80 

8.T6 

8.00 

6.48 

10.80 

7.50 

8.40 

9.60 

7.60 


5 


rss: 


Occupations,  etc. 


Plumbers,  London  and  New  York 

Platers,  Philadelphia  and  Glasgow. . 

Printers  

Policemen  London  and  New  York . . . 
Riveters,  Glasgow  and  Philadelphia, 
Riggers,  Liverpool  and  New  York.,, 


Saleswomen,  Manchester  and  New  York 


Sewing  girls,  London  and  New  York 


Stage-drivers,  London  and  New  York 

Station-masters  

Street  pavers,  London  and  New  York 

Spinning  girls,  Wigan  and  Providence 

Spinning  girls,  factories  (children),  Wigan  and  Providence 
T&Lors,  Liverpool  and  New  York 

Telegraph  operators,  female,  Manchester  and  New  York  — 

Teamsters,  Liverpool  and  New  York 

Waiters,  i'emalo,  l.ondon  (board  themselves) 


! United 
j St-tes. 


$18.00 
i 12.00 

! 10.50 

i 25.00 
' 13.00 

! 15.60 

i f 5.00 
| 6.00 
j 7.00 
| 8.00 
j 9.00 
( 10.00 
f 5.00 

I . 6.00 

-j  7.00 
| 8 00 
i 9.00 
12.00 
18.50 
15.00 
6.18 

3.25 
15.00 
f 15. GO 
1 20.00 
15.00 
6.00 


England. 


$9.90 
6.48 
8.00 
6.00 
6.  <18 
8.50 


3.00 

3.60 


8.00 


i .w 

4 37 
8.40 
2.00 
2.75 
.95 
8.40 

4.00 

5.00 

8.00 


The  mechanics  of  the  United  States  work  but  nine  hours  a day,  those  in  England  ten  to 

eleven. 

These  figures  were  obtained  by  Mr.  McKay  from  the  best  mechanics  in  Europe,  as  ia  the 

United  States. 


THE  HOME-LIFE  OF  A MECHANIC. 

Having  learned  their  income  I determined  to  find  out,  meagre  as  it  was,  how 
they  spent  it.  It  was  not  a difficult  task.  Every  penny  went  to  keep  life  in  their 
bodies  and  it  barely  served  its  purpose.  I visited  a boiler  maker  who  earned  in  a 
week  of  sixty  hours  what  is  equal  in  our  money  to  $8.  He  lived  in  a brick  house 
that  has  two  rooms  ou  the  first  floor  and  two  above.  For  this  he  pays  3s.  (75 
cents)  per  week  rent,  and  his  four  rooms  housed  his  six  children  and  wife,  besides 
himself.  The  parlor  ” is  where  they  cook,  eat  and  live  through  the  day.  It  has 
a stone  floor,  with  no  carpet.  They  have  three  chairs  to  place  around  the  table  at 
meal  time  and  a wooden  bench  serves  for  the  children.  What  a deception  to  a 
hungry  stomach  must  be  such  meals  as  this  mechanic  gets  from  his  table!  For 
breakfast  he  has  a penny’s  worth  of  cheese,  bread  with  butter,  if  he  can  afford  it; 
if  not,  lard ; some  tea  in  a pot.  Meat  of  any  kind  for  breakfast  is  an  unknown 
luxury  to  him.  and  if  he  were  to  go  his  day’s  toil  with  even  a smell  of  a juicy  steak 
he  would  think  himself  a prince.  It  is  only  at  his  mid-day  meal,  if  at  all,  that  he 
gets  meat,  and  then  it  is  a penny’s  worth  (2  cents),  with  a slice  of  bread.  At 
his  home  at  night  he  has  set  before  him  a herrinsr.  perhaps  an  egg,  butter,  bread, 
and  tea.  This  man  considers  himselt  as  well  off  as  any  machine  in  Manchester, 
and  he  told  me  that  it  cost  him  30s.  ($7.50)  per  week  to  keep  his  family. 
That  would  leave  him  exactly  2s.  (50c.)  outside  of  his  bare  living  expenses,  sup- 
posing he  worked  the  full  sixty  hours  every  week.  What  hope  does  life  hold 
out  for  him  ? 


6 


The  saleswomen  in  Manchester  get  from  12s.  to  14s.  ($3  to  $3.50)  per  week 
in  the  largest  retail  places,  working  twelve  hours  per  day,  and  they  are  “ docked  ” 
for  holidays.  In  the  smaller  places  they  get  from  2s.  to  4s.  less. 

LIFE  AT  WIGAN. 

W igan  is  one  of  the  oldest  bor- 
oughs in  the  kingdom.  It  is  in 
the  county  of  Lancaster,  on  the 
line  of  the  Northwestern  railway. 
It  has  about  60,000  people,  and 
as  a manufacturing  place  is  about 
as  productive  as  any  other  town 
of  its  size  in  Great  Britain.  I 
asked  the  engineer  with  whom  I 
traveled,  what  he  earned.  Hesaid 
he  had  been  at  work  forty  years 
running  from  Liverpool  to  Lon- 
don, and  received  7s.  (SI  75)  per 
day  of  ten  hours  work.  His  fireman 
got  4s. ($1).  Engineers  on  freight 
trains  get  6s.  ($1.50  per  day. 

Arriving  at  Wigan  I ^ound 
myself  in  the  midst  of  such  desti- 
tion,  squalor  and  wretched- 
ness as  I never  before  witnessed.  And  these  were  the  homes  of  the  me- 
chanics and  working  people  in  this  “ prosperous*’  district  of  “ Merrie  England!  ” 
No  one  who  has  not  gazed  in  pity  on  the  scene  can  have  any  conception  of  the 
misery  and  poverty  that  exists  in  the  homes  of  these  mechanics.  They  are  as 
hardworking  and  industrious  a lot  as  can  be  found  any  where.  The  district  of 
Wigan  contains  iron  mills,  furnaces,  manufactories  of  tools  and  agricultural  im- 
plements, besides  large  cotton  and  woolen  factories.  Coal  is  found  in  large 
quantities  throughout  the  district,  and  the  town  itself  is  honeycombed  underneath 
with  mines  and  tunnels.  Wigan  was  originally  built  8 nd  inhabited  by  the  Romans, 
and  many  of  its  houses  have  an  ancient  appearance,  the  court  house  in  particular 
looking  as  if  it  had  been  constructed  1,000  years  ago.  A venerable  old  church 
stands  in  tne  center  of  the  town.  Its  steeple  was  knocked  of  in  the  time  of 
Cromwell.  It  has  never  been  replaced,  and  the  lack  of  it  gives  the  antiqu  eold  pile 
a very  distressed  look— not  much  out  of  keeping,  however,  with  its  surroundings. 

The  miserable  homes  of  the  mechanics  are  mostly  built  in  rows  extending  an 
entire  block.  They  are  of  brick,  two  stories  high,  and  face  on  stone  paved  courts 
or  streets.  One  block  that  I visited  contained  thirty-two  tenements,  each  having 
four  rooms.  A yard  extends  the  entire  length  of  the  block  in  the  rear  of  these 
houses.  So  valuable  is  the  property,  however,  or  so  greedy  is  the  landlord,  that 
this  yard  is  only  3 feet  and  9 inches  wide.  You  enter  the  ground  floor  immediately 
from  the  street  and  find  yourself  in  the  living  room.  It  is  the  largest  room  in  the 
tenement.  It  is  11  feet  square  and  measures  7 feet  8 inches  from  floor  to  ceiling. 
It  has  only  one  window,  which  is  4 feet  long  and  2 feet  6 inches  high.  The  sun 
has  a hard  time,  I suppose,  in  finding  this  aperture,  but  to  obstruct  still  further  its 
cheerful,  health  giving  rays— so  rare  at  best  in  this  foggy  climate  of  England— the 
window  is  subdivided  into  thirty  panes  of  glass.  With  its  uncarpeted  stone  floor, 
its  wooden  table  that  never  sees  a cloth,  the  room  presents  a picture  to  the  eye 
about  as  cheerful  as  a dungeon  in  the  Tombs  prison  in  New  York  city.  How  the 
entire  family  manages  to  live  and  eat  there  is  more  than  I can  tell.  All  the  cook- 
ing is  also  done  in  this  room,  for  the  apartment  back  of  it  is  scarcely  half  its  size 
and  is  used  only  as  a storeroom  and  a washroom.  From  the  back  of  this  “parlor  ” 
a stairway  leads  up  to  the  two  sleeping  apartments,  which  are  in  size  the  same  as 
those  below.  Each  is  lighted  by  one  of  those  “ thirty-two  pane  windows.”  The 
rent  for  a tenement  like  this  is  3s.  3d.  per  week. 


7 


LIVING  ON  SEVEN  DOLLARS  A WEEK. 

A family  of  ten  occupied  one  of  these  tenements  that  I inspected,  and  they 
had  lived  there  for  twenty  years.  The  husband  was  a well-to-do-mechanic,  as 

that  term  goes  in  Great  Britain, 
earning  what  he  thought  was  fairly 
good  wages  and  having  a fairly 
good  table.  He  told  me  that  break- 
fast for  the  entire  family  consisted 
of  about  one-half  a pound  of  pork — 
called  by  them  bacon — some  bread 
and  butter,  and  tea  without  sugar. 
For  dinner  they  had  two  eggs,  with 
only  a quarter  of  a pound  of  bacon, 
bread  and  butter,  with  some  milk 
and  water.  When  butter  happened 
to  be  scarce  a cheap  kind  of  lard  was 
substituted.  It  was  seldom  that  they 
had  pork  or  other  meat  for  supper. 
On  Saturdays  they  usually  pur- 
chased four  poundp  of  beef  8d.  (16 
cents)  per  pound  for  a Sunday  din- 
ner. Shou'd  any  be  lelt  over  it 
served  for  Monday’s  breakfast.  No 
other  purchases  of  meat,  however, 
are  made  by  the  average  mechanics 
of  Wigan  during  the  remainder  of 
the  week  and  many,  my  informant 
said,  could  not  afford  the  quantity 
he  did  once  a week.  “Sometimes,’’ 
he  added,  “ I may  have  extra  a 
pint  of  milk  or  a head  of  cabbage 
that  costs  a penny.  We  don’t  have 
that  regularly,  though.  I live  as  well  as  any  man  of  my  class,  for  I pay  no 
more  rent  than  others  and  I can  earn  28s.  ($7,  per  week  That  is  above  the 
average.  Clothing  does  not  cost  much.  1 have  no  coat,  for  I can’t  afford  it.  The 
clothes  that  I stand  in  now  are  all  that  I have  to  wear,  and  they  cost  me  as  follows: 


Trousers  and  vest 15s.  6d. 

Shirt,  flxnnel 2-.  6d. 

Stockings Is.  8d. 

Brogans  ...  4«.  Od. 

Suspenders Os.  9d. 

Cap  2s.  6d. 

Scarf  (worn  instead  of  a collar,  which  no  English  mechanic 
ever  wears) Os.  8d. 


Total  cost  of  clothes,  27s.  7d.,  or  $7  in  our  money.  This  man  had  a suit  of 
uncV  vclothing,  but  he  did  not  remember  the  price  of  it.  No  American  working- 
man would  wear  these  clothes  even  to  his  shop. 

THE  DEBTOR’S  COURT. 

I visited  the  Debtor's  Court  which  is  a tribunal  where  the  claims  of  a working- 
man’s creditors,  landlords,  shopkeepers,  and  the  owners  of  gin  palaces,  are 
enforced.  Non-payment  of  any  claims  adjudicated  by  this  court  means  imprison- 
ment. Every  man  or  woman  summoned  has  to  answer  these  questions:  Are  you 
married  ? Is  your  husband  at  work  ? How  much  does  he  get  ? How  many  children 


ACTUAL  PICTURES  OF  GIRLS  EMPLOYED 
AT  COLLIERY, 


8 


have  you,  and  how  many  are  at  work  ? The  judge,  arrayed  in  a flowing  white 
wig  aud  long  gown,  gives  his  decision  on  the  replies  that  are  made.  The  poor 
unfortunate,  sometimes  a woman  with  her  babe  in  her  arms,  is  informed  solemnly 
that  sbe  must  pay  so  many  shillings  a week  until  the  debt  is  cleared  off,  or  serve 
forty  days  in  jail. 

I was  informed  that  many  of  the  claims  brought  before  this  tribunal  were 
those  of  owners  of  rum  shops. 


MEN  AND  WOMEN  IN  THE  COLLIERIES. 

Wigan  is  built  upon  ground  that  is  a superstructure,  so  to  speak,  of  extensive 
coal  mines.  Down  deep  in  the  earth,  and  in  tortuous  subterranean  tunnels  that 
are  2.500  feet  below  the  surface,  the  coal  miner  toils  for  a living.  I visited  the 
Rosebridge  colliery,  which  is  the  deepest  mine  in  England.  It  has  500  men  em- 
ployed in  it.  The  iron  cage  shot  me  down  816  yards  below  the  surface  in  exactly 
50  seconds.  I crawled  about  the  bottom  of  the  mine  on  my  hands-and  knees  and 
brought  out  with  me  a piece  of  coal  that  I got  in  a vein  which  was  12  feet  wide 
and  was  only  2 feet  7 inches  high.  Here,  as  in  several  other  veins,  I found  the 
miners  working  while  lying  all  the  time  on  their  stomachs,  and  in  a temperature 
of  96  degrees.  The  atmosphere  is  simply  stifling. 

As  the  coal  is  dug  out  by  the  miners  in  the  various  tunnels  it  is  wheeled  away 
in  hand  barrows  by  men.  Women  of  all  ages,  married  and  single,  are  employed 
in  this  wprk  on  top  of  the  mines.  It  is  a sorry  sight,  indeed,  especially  to  an 
American,  to  see  these  poor  creatures  compelled  to  unsex  themselves  in  their 
struggle  for  bread  in  this  land  of  free  trade.  You  search  in  vain  for  one  glint  of 
femininity  in  their  appearance,  for  they  are  begrimed  from  head  to  foot  and  look 
as  coarse  as  the  coal  itself. 

Both  the  men  and  the  women  work  fifty-two  hours  a week.  The  miners  work 
by  the  piece,  and  average,  so  Superintendent  Morris  told  me,  16  to  18  shillings 
($4.00  to  $4.50)  a week.  The  laborers  get  3 shillings  (75  cents)  a day  ; the 
women  from  1 shilling  to  1 shilling  and  9 pence  (25  to  85  cents)  per  day.  These 
colliers  live  in  miserable  shanties,  and  their  staple  food  is  bread  and  butter  or  lard, 
and  tea.  Sometimes  they  can  earn  only  half  wages,  and  then  the  bread  and  butter 
portion  of  their  food  is  scanty.  “I  have  been  lucky  sometimes  to  get  it  twice  a 
week,”  one  of  them  said  to  me. 

The  mid  day  meal  of  the  British  coal  miner  consists  of  buttermilk  or  tea  and  a 
piece  of  bread,  which  he  carries  to  his  work  every  morning.  It  is  possible  that  on 
Sunday  he  feels  able  to  buy  a small  piece  of  meat,  but  Dot  one  day  in  the  month 
does  he  get  it  except  on  the  Sabbath.  The  foreman  of  the  gang  proudly  asserted 
to  me  that  be  had  a penny’s  worth  of  meat  four  times  a week,  with  perhaps  some 
cheese  or  salt  fish. 

Some  of  the  largest  cotton  and  woolen  factories  in  Grer^Britain  are  operated 
in  Wigan.  The  spinning-girls  in  these  factories  work  from  6 o’clock  to  5.30,  and 
the  first-class  operators — those,  at  least,  who  are  23  years  of  age — can  earn  lls. 
($2. 75  y a week.  Many  of  them,  however,  have  to  be  content  with  8s.  The  youngest 
child  allowed  to  work  in  these  factories  must  be  13  years  of  age.  They  are  paid 
3s.  lOd.  (95  cents)  per  week,  and  they  work  the  same  hours  as  adults.  The  labor- 
ing men  about  the  mill  get  15s.  ($3.75)  a week.  I was  told  that  the  pay  of  a 
school-master  in  Wigan,  having  charge  of  75  to  100  children,  ranged  from  £50  to 
£80  ($250  to  $400)  per  year. 

The  Northwestern  railroad  pays  as  good  wages  as  any  road  in  Great  Britain. 
Stationmasters  on  that  railway  get  17s  6d.  per  week.  Conductors  get  from  25s 
to  32s.,  according  to  time  of  service.  These  men  live  with  their  families  in 
houses  having  three  rooms,  for  which  they  pay  from  4s.  to  6s.  per  week.  The 
barmaids  in  the  stations  work  from  7 a.  m.  until  11  p.  m.,  get  their  board  and 
lodging  and  £75  a year.  They  have  to  work  on  Sundays  from  noon  until  2.30,, 
and  again  from  6 to  8 o’clock/  They  are  given  half  a day  off  during  the  week. 


9 


THROUGH  AN  ENGLISH  INDUSTRIAL  CENTRE. 

On  August  7 I began  my  journey  through  what  is  known  here  as  ihe  “ Black 
Country,”  of  which  a writer  in  a recent  issue  of  the  Manchester  Sunday  Chronicle 
says:  ‘The  more  I see  of  existence  in  tins  Christiau  land  of  ours,  the  more  con- 
vinced I am  becoming  that  our  poorer  brethren  here  are  living  in  about  the  most 
unhappy  time  the  world  has  known.  Talk  about  the  Dark  Ages.  What  com- 
parison could  the  retail  wretchedness  of  those  times  bear  to  the  wholesale  misery 
that  man’s  inhumanity  to  man  is  producing  iu  the  Black  Country  to-day?” 

It  would  be  impossible  for  any  mail  to  count  the  chimneys  aud  the  furnaces 
seen  on  the  way  from  Wigan  to  Birmingham.  There  is  no  district  in  the  world 
like  it.  They  run  their  furnaces  night  and  day.  I reached  Darlaston  late  at  night. 
The  train  driver  who  ran  the  engine  on  my  train  said  he  worked  sixteen  hours  a 
day,  and  earned  32s.  a week.  The  conductor  receives  18s.  for  the  same  length  of 
time.  I attempted  to  visit  the  bolt  and  nut  work  of  a lirm,  father  and  son,  rated 
among  the  millions.  They  employ  about  50.  hards,  half  of  them  being  women, 
who  stand  at  the  forge  just  the  same  as  men.  They  get  from  3s.  to  8 s.  per  week; 
good  workmen  get  14s.  After  waiting  in  the  entry  I was  told  that  I could  not  be 
admitted.  I waited  around  the  building  until  1 o’clock,  when  the  men  and  women 
cameoutfor  their  mid  day  meal.  The  womun  had  shawls  over  their  heads  instead 
of  hats.  I asked  some  of  them  what  they  had  for  dinner,  and  they  said  bread  apd 
tea.  They  never  had  meat  that  meal,  and  seldom  at  all.  The  gun-lock  filer’s 
trade  is  one  that  requ  res  skill  and  delicacy,  as  well  as  the  strength  of  a black- 
smith. It  is  one,  too,  in  which  England  holds  a proud  pre-eminence,  yet  the  rates 
of  wages  are  so  abominably  low  that  it  is  a marvel  that  men  can  be  found  to 
pursue  it  while  workhouse  doors  are  open.  The  workshops  in  which  gun  locks  of 
all  kinds  > re  made  at  Darlaston  are  rented  by  the  workmen  or  attached  to  their 
living  houses.  At  one  time,  years  ago,  the  men  who  made  these  locks  got  as 
much  as  Is.  Id.  each  for  them,  but  wages  have  been  cut  down  until  the  rate  is 
3^d.  per  lock,  at  which  a smart  workman  is  hardly  able  to  earn  a shilling  a day 
when  in  full  work. 

MAKING  GUN  LOCKS  AT  STARVATION  WAGES. 

I entered  one  of  these  workshops.  Two  persons  were  engaged  at  different 
benches,  each  rasping  away  at  the  piece  of  metal  fastened  in  his  vise.  One  of 
them,  a hale  old  man  of  76,  is  at  work  upon  flint  locks;  the  other,  his  son,  a 
veteran  of  50,  is  making  steel  rebounding  locks  for  breech-loading  guns.  These 
aretwoof  the  be3t  workmen  in  Darlaston,  and  it  takes  them  six  hours  to  complete 
the  lock,  work  as  hard  as  they  may.  For  making  them  and  finding  some  of  the 
material,  they  receive  the  munificent  sum  of  2s.  Id.  for  the  pair! 

“I  call  it  a dead  robbery,”  said  the  old  man.  “Perhaps  you  would  be  sur- 
prised to  hear  that  a man  over  the  way,  who  puts  th^se  microscopical  flowerings 
on  the  steel  plates — an  artist  he  is -gets  only  a shilling  each  for  them.  Do  I put 
my  children  to  the  trade?  Not  me,”  exclaimed  the  man,  with  emphasis.  “I’d 
sooner  break  a boy’s  legs  than  teach  him  how  to  make  these  locks  and  starve.” 

Mr.  Richard  Juggins,  whose  earnest  work  in  behalf  of  the  poor  of  this  dis- 
trict, is  known  all  over,  gave  me  a copy  of  the  following  letter,  which  he  wrote 
last  November.  It  explains  itself : 

No.  60  New  Street,  Darlaston,  Nov.  17. 

Mv  Dear  SIR: — A most  painful  case  was  reported  to  me  l^et  night.  Y'U  will  remember 
speaking  the  other  day  in  my  company  io  a flint  gun  look  flier,  named  Joseph  Adams,  In 
Darlaston.  On  Tuesday  last  he  had  worked  all  day  without  food,  which  was  due  to  a cir- 
cumstance that  Ioughtioexplain  f ryour  information.  It  is  customary  for  the  men  to  take 
home  < aoh  night  the  looks  made  during  the  day  ai  d get  the  money  for  them  so  as  to  buy 
provisions  lor  the  nex'  day.  Thus  you  wl'l  understand  that  when  a workingman  has 
noihingtodo  f >r  the  day  he  has  to  work  without  foo  1 t>>e  nest.  Adams  could  average  Is. 
per  day  of  14  t<>  16  hourp,  but  he  was  unfortunately  without  work  on  Monday,  and  had  to 
live  through  Sunday.  After  working  all  day  on  Tuesday  without  food,  as  described,  he 
went  home,  and  borore  a little  refreshment  could  bo  provided  he  sat  down  and  died.  I am 
very  sincerely  yours,  Richard  Juggins. 


10 


Another  gentleman  to  whom  1 am  indebted  for  information  is  Mr.  Thomas 
Harris,  of  the  Manchester  Chronicle , whose  pen  has  vividly  described  the  condition 
of  tne  poor  people  of  Cradley  in  a series  of  letters  to  that  paper.  He  wrote  me  as 
follows: 

The  Sunday  Chronicle,  1 
Offices,  Mark  Lane,  Withy  Grove,  v 
N.  McKay , Esq.:  Manchester,  Aug.  16,  1888.  j 

Dear  Sir— I am  sorry  not  to  have  seen  more  of  you,  but  business  calls  have 
been  somewhat  pressing.  I am  exceedingly  glad  that  you  have  taken  up  the 
Craaley  question,  and  should  be  much  obliged  if  you  would  forward  me  copies  of 
the  American  paper  containing  your  reports.  Perhaps  when  the  press  of  the  great 
republic  speaks  its  mind  on  the  subject,  our  authorities  may  be  induced  to  move. 
But  the  cry  of  the  poor  and  starving  has  little  effect  upon  them,  for  their  hearts  are 
hard  as  the  nether  millstone.  The  parcel  will  be  forwarded  to  Liverpool  as  you 
request.  If  I can  render  you  any  further  assistance  pray  command  me.  Thanking 
you  for  your  kind  expressions  and  sympathy,  I am  very  sincerely  yours. 

Thomas  Harris. 

HUSBAND  AND  WIFE  AT  THE  FORGE. 

Women  blacksmiths ! 

Husband  and  wife  stripped  to  the  waist  at  the  same  forge,  with  their  offspring 
crying  to  the  tune  of  their  sledge  hammers.  Ten  shillings  a week  for  such  work 
as  this  for  the  men  and  five  shillings  for  women. 

“ Surely,  ” I say,  “people  cannot  exist  upon  the  wages  you  have  mentioned  ? ” 

“They  not  only  can,  sir,  but  they  do  to  the  number  of  20,000  in  this  district, 
and  right  glad  would  the  chainmakers  be  to  be  always  sure  of  such  favorable 
terms.” 

This  is  the  answer  I received  from  a workingman  when  on  the  7th  of  August  I 
visited  Cradley  Heath,  and  there  saw  the  most  pitiful  sight  of  my  whole  life — the 
women  blacksmiths  making  chains! 

Cradley  Heath  is  a town  where,  some  months  ago,  many  of  the  workingmen’s 
buildings  fell  in  because  of  the  undermining  by  the  coar  tunnels.  They  are  now 
strapped  up  with  iron  rods,  running  outside  of  the  houses,  and  big  timbers  placed 
against  them.  It  almost  looks  as  if  one  were  risking  his  life  every  moment  he 
remained  in  them,  but  a majority  are  rented,  and  the  blacksmith  family  accept 
them  as  inevitable. 

I visited  the  blacksmith  shop  where  the  men  and  women  are  at  work  in  equal 
numbers.  Four  women  were  at  work  making  a chain  in  one  shop,  each  at  a 
forge.  One  woman  weighed  228  pounds,  she  is  45  years  old,  and  lias  had  twelve 
children,  of  whom  five  are  now  living.  Three  of  these  children  work  with  her  in 
the  shops,  and  her  husband  is  at  the  furnace.  He  gets  3s.  per  day  for  bis  labor. 
She  gets  4=*.  per  week.  Theentire  family  works  from  7 till  7.  ‘Wfftle  1 v as  in  the 
shop  she  forged  for  me  a back  chain  similar  to  those  used  for  truck  hors*  s to  hold 
up  the  shafts,  and  she  told  me  that  she  got  l^d.  for  it.  That  w:  s the  highest 
price  she  ever  got.  I bought  another  chain  of  her  8 feet  long,  which  I now  have 
with  me,  and  for  which  she  gets  Id.  for  making.  It  takes  her  one  hour  to  make 
it.  Her  daughter,  Anna,  makes  small  rivets  and  works  an  Oliver  with  her  foot 
and  a hammer  in  her  hand.  She  rmikes  a shilling  a day.  The  son  oi  this  woman 
makes  a chain  that  weighs  224  pounds,  and  gets  2s.  8d.  for  it.  He  pays  out  of 
the  amount  6d.  for  a boy  to  blow  the  bellows.  The  woman’s  name  is  Fowkes, 
and  she  lives  in  Gray’s  lane,  her  house  adjoining  the  shop.  She  pajs  6s.  rent  for 
it.  I asked  her  what  the  family  usually  had  for  breakfast.  She  said,  ‘ I eat 
bread,  bacon  and  tea.”  I asked  her  if  she  usually  had  meat,  and  all  f ur  of  them 
crowded  around  me  and  laughed.  “ No,  sir,”  she  said,  “ and  I am  sorry  enough 
to  confess  it.  I have  the  same  for  dinner  as  for  breakfast,  except  that  I get  half  a 
pint  of  beer,  if  I can  afford  it.  For  supper  we  have  neither  bacon  nor  meat,  but 
simply  bread  and  tea.  I have  worked  thirty-eight  years  at  this  business.” 


11 


TWELVE  CENTS  A DAY  FOR  A GIRL. 


Another  shop  near  by  had  four  furnaces.  A young  woman,  probably  22,  was 
making  a chain  at  one  of  the  forges.  She  says  she  can  make  6d.  per  day  of  ten 

hours.  She  declined  to  say  how  she 
managed  to  live  on  that  pay.  Two 
men  and  a boy  tell  me  in  another 
shop  that  they  make  a thousand 
weight  of  chain  between  them  in  a 
week  and  receive  8.  4d.  for  the  work. 
One  man  who  makes  block  chain  that 
is  used  in  pulleys  says  that  he  works 
twelve  hours  a day  and  has  18s.  or 
20s.  left  on  Saturday  afier  paying  his 
coal  boy.  He  pays  5s.  for  his  rent. 

At  a yard  abutting  on  the  same 
street  is  a shop  in  which  I found  a man 
and  his  three  children  at  work,  while 
the  wife  was  at  the  door  taking  care 
of  the  other  seven  that  made  up  their 
offspring.  He  was  laboring  as  if  he 
were  pulling  to  some  foreign  shore, 
and  with  his  unbuttoned  shirt  expos- 
ing his  thin  frame,  he  seemed  a per- 
fect skeleton.  While  he  swung  a big 
hammer  a son  stood  on  one  side  of 
him  and  a daughter  on  the  other, 
both  helping  in  the  work.  The  three 
of  them  working  together  every  day 
at  this  forge  until  after  dark  have 
averaged  28s.  a week.  The  man’s 
name  is  Omar.  He  has  struggled  for 
forty-six  years  at  this  forge.  And  for 
what?  Let  him  tell  it  in  his  own 
words.  I quote:  “I  can  get  meat  once  a day  since  my  children  are  grown.  I 
generally  have  it  at  dinner  and  on  holidays  I have  mutton.  Bread  and  butter 
and  tea  are  all  that  I have  for  breakfast  and  supper.  I pay  5s.  rent  per  week.” 
A half  a century  of  toil,  and  this  is  the  reward  ! 

Samuel  Watts  is  the  name  of  this  man's  next  door  neighbor,  and  by  working 
ten  hours  a day — som  etimes  longer — he  gets  18s.  at  the  end  of  the  week.  His 
oldest  child,  just  reached  15,  is  making  a shilling  for  every  16  hours  of  work 
that  his  tiny  little  frame  can  pull  through.  Watts  has  toiled  in  this  shop  for 
twenty-eight  years  and  his  reward  is  a suit  of  clothes  for  himself  for  Sundays,  but 
none  for  his  children.  Sometimes  he  can  afford  2d.  for  a quart  of  beer,  but  he 
tells  me  that  if  he  averages  a pint  a week  throughout  the  year  he  is  content. 
Sometimes  he  has  meat  too,  which  is  a luxury  not  within  the  reach  of  all  his  kind, 
but  he  pays  up  for  this  extravagance  by  using  lard  instead  of  butter  on  his  bread. 

John  Woodward  and  his  wife  work  together  at  the  forge.  The  woman  made 
for  me  a dog  chain  and  said  that  she  got  Id.  3f.  for  her  Jabor.  It  takes  her  forty 
minutes  to  make  it.  I have  carried  this  chain  back  with  me  to  America,  as  well  as 
two  others  made  by  women. 


AN  OLD  WOMAN  COAL-SHOVELER. 


A STRIKE  FOR  “HIGHER”  WAGES. 

There  was  a strike  in  this  district  a year  ago — a strike  for  higher  wages,  a 
ten  per  cent,  increase.  The  chain  makers  held  a public  meeting.  Women,  child- 
ren and  men  crowded  the  hall.  The  chairman  explained  to  those  on  the  platform 
that  it  was  not  a strike  for  anything  but  food.  He  began  to  tell  of  the  wages. 


12 


A young  woman,  he  said,  can  make  on  an  average  in  a week  of  sixty  hours,  100 
weight  No.  4 short  link  chain.  For  this  she  would  receive  7s.  gross,  which 
meant  but  4s.  as  the  price  of  her  labor.  Here  he  was  j nterrupted ~by  the  audi- 
ence. No  young  woman  could  make  that  much  chain  in  a week.  The  orator 
changes  his  statement  with  an  apology.  A young  woman  must  make  100  weight 
or  3,600  links  for  4s.  Is  that  admitted?  “Yes,  but  not  in  a week.”  Further- 
more, a dog  chain  that  sells  for  Is.  6d.  is  made  by  this  typical  young  woman 
for  1 penny.  They  asked  5 farthings  a while  ago  and  were  refused.  Turn  to  the 
sterner  sex,  a young  man  can  make  in  a week  300  weight  of  short  link  chain, 
of  which  many  tons  are  turned  out  at  3s.  per  cwt.  Deduct  his  blower’s  pay  and 
“breeze,”  and  he  is  lucky  if  he  has  5s,  for  himself. 

And  yet  they  were  on  strike  ! 

It  was  a relief  to  get  out  of  this  poverty-stricken  district  and  into  London, 
where,  though  the  thirty-live  casual  wards  for  paupers  are  always  filled,  the  dis- 
tress of  the  people  is  not  so  open  to  the  eye.  It  is  said  that  there  are  28,000  idle 
people  in  London  to-day  who  sleep  in  the  parks  and  on  the  roads.  I visited  one 
of  the  casual  wards  at  Srnithfield,  and  watched  the  men  come  in  to  goto  their  lodg- 
ings. It  was  a pitiful  sight,  about  the  worst  that  you  could  ever  witness. 
Each  man  is  sent  below  and  is  kept  splitting  oakum  two  days,  and  beating  large 
ropes  on  blocks,  as  a penance  for  his  poverty. 

WAGES  IN  THE  BUILDING  TRADES. 

I visited  London  docks  at  6.30  one  morning  to  hear  the  roll-call  for  laborers. 
A thousand  men  were  clamboring  for  employment.  I asked  one  laborer  what  he 
got.  He  said  4Jd.  per  hour.  These  are  what  we  call  longshoremen.  A carpenter 
at  work  on  a building  near  by  said  he  was  getting  9d.  per  hour,  and  his  assistant 
was  paid  5^d.  The  carpenter  told  me  he  paid  15s.  per  week  for  rent.  His  assist- 
ant said  that  he  paid  4s.  6d.  for  one  room  and  “privileges.”  This  carpenter 
adked  that  his  wife  worked  when  she  could  and  got  2s.  a day.  I waited  until  8 
o’clock  to  see  the  workmen  on  this  building  eat  their  breakfast.  Four  of  them 
had  banded  together,  made  some  tea  in  a big  kettle  and  brought  out  bread  and 
butter  only.  “ That’s  all,  for  breakfast,  sir,”  said  one.  He  explained  that  they 
usually  had  meat  for  dinner  as  late  in  the  week  as  Wednesday,  because  they 
always  had  enough  left  over  after  their  Sunday  meal  to  last  till  that  time.  From 
Wednesday  till  the  next  Sunday  they  went  without  meat,  except  perhaps  bacon. 
The  carpenter  said : “I  get  uo  at  4 o’clock  in  the  morning  and  work  from  6 until 
5 30.  When  I am  out  of  work  for  three  days  at  once  there  is  not  a farthing  in  the 
house,  and  we  must  live  on  what  my  wife  earns  ” 

The  foreman  of  the  gang  had  half  a loaf  of  bread  with  a square  hole  in  it 
about  two  inches  square.  In  that  hole  be  had  placed  some  butter.  That  was  the 
way  he  carried  it  to  his  work.  He  made  some  tea;  most  of  the  other  workmen, 
however,  had  a herring  apiece  besides  the  bread  and  tea.  One  fellow,  luckier 
than  the  rest,  had  a piece  of  meat  pie  for  his  dinner. 

The  masons  on  this  building  were  paid  9d.  per  hour,  bricklayers  9d.  per  hour; 
pavers  9d.  per  hour  in  the  streets  of  London,  reamers,  7d.  per  hour ; stonecutters, 
9d.  per  hour  for  ten  hours  labor,  plasterers  8d.,  painters  7d  , iron  workers  on  roofs 
9s.  2d.  per  dav  of  ten  hours.  An  omnibus  driver  working  sixteen  hours  a day  gets 
6s.  and  out  of  that  has  to  care  for  his  wagon  and  horses.  Farm  laborers  can  get 
18s.  per  week  ten  orfifteen  miles  out  of  London,  but  they  have  to  board  themselves. 
At  the  large  dry  goods  stores  the  superintendent  of  the  sales  counters  gets  about 
£75  a year,  and  sewing  girls  are  paid  12s.  a week.  A gang  of  sixteen  men 
working  on  a macadamized  road  to  make  it  softer,  said  they  were  paid  4d.  per 
hour  by  the  city  of  London.  Some  granite  cutters  told  me  they  were  getting  9d. 
per  hour. 


13 


THE  POOR  MAN’S  BREAKFAST  ABROAD. 


From  London  I went  back  to  Wigan 
and  rode  in  a workingman’s  train,  third 
class.  The  fare  is  two  cents  per  mile 
in  our  money,  eyen  in  this  dirty  third 
rate  car,  while  in  America  you  can  travel 
in  the  best  car  on  any  road  for  that 
price.  The  “third-class”  in  England 
can  only  be  compared  to  a pigsty.  At 
Wigan  I went  to  the  laborers’  lodging 
house  and  the  next  morning  joined  in 
their  breakfast.  It  was  indeed  a frugal 
meal,  for  it  consisted  of  a piece  of  bread 
which  each  man  had  kept  in  his  coat 
pocket  over  night.  A square  hole  in  the 
bottom  of  each  loaf  served  as  a receptacle 
for  the  butter.  They  made  tea  on  a 
furnace.  The  meal  only  gave  me  an 
appetite  for  a rather  hearty  one  an  hour 
later;  but  these  men  had  to  go  to  their 
work  and  labor  until  noon.  I asked 
one  of  them  how  he  stood  it ; he 
replied  that  it  was  a pretty  good  meal, 
for  it  only  cost  him  a penny.  He  man- 
aged to  live  on  18d.  per  day,  of  which 
4d.  was  spent  for  lodging. 

This  is  the  average  poor  man’s  break- 
fast within  20  miles  of  Liverpool:— Tea 
and  sugar,  Id.;  bread,  Id  ; bacon,  2d.; 
total  cost  in  American  money,  8 cents. 
Dinner  at  1: — Two  pounds  of  potatoes, 
Id. ; half  a pound  of  steak,  if  he  can  a fiord 
it,  4d. ; milk,  Id. ; making  in  all  6d.  for 
his  dinner.  His  supper  consists  of  tea 
and  sugar,  Id. ; two  eggs,  Id.;  bacon, 
Id. ; bread,  Id. ; making  5d.  in  all. 


ENGLISH  FREE  TRADE 
ILLUSTRATED. 


These  are  the  prices  paid  by  the  Liverpool  workingmen  for  their  food : 


English  beef,  per  pound 

American  mutton  chops 

English  mutton  chops 

American  beef 

American  beefsteak  

American  round  steak,  per  pound 

American  ham 

Bacon 

Tripe 

Salmon 

Flour,  12  pounds 

Sugar,  brown,  per  pound 

Sugar,  white 

Coffee,  per  pound. 

Tea,  mixed 


.Os.  9d. 
.Os.  6d. 
Os.  9d. 
.Os.  7d. 
. Os.  8d. 
03.  10d. 
• Os.  7d. 
■ Os.  6d. 
Os.  6d. 
. Is.  2d. 
2s.  lOd. 
Os.  2d. 
Os.  4d. 
Is.  8d. 
2s.  Od. 


14 


BACK  TO  THE  LAND  OF  HAPPY  HOMES. 

This  market  price  completed  my  inquiry,  and  on  August  25th  I stepped  aboard 
the  steamship  bound  for  America— the  land  where,  thanks  to  protection,  progress 
and  enterprise,  the  sun  never  shines  on  such  things  as  I had  witnessed  in  my  short 
stay  in  the  land  of  free  trade.  Never  did  a weary  traveler  turn  his  footsteps  toward 
his  native  land  with  such  joyous  feelings  as  did  I after  having  journeyed  through 
more  misery,  destitution  and  poverty  than  was  ever  shackled  on  honest  labor  in 
my  own  land.  It  was  a sight,  Mr.  President  Cleveland,  which,  if  you  could  have 
spared  the  time  from  your  shrievalty  duties  at  Buffalo  to  witness,  you  never  would 
have  written  that  message  to  Congress  which  must  forever  be  your  condemnation 
in  the  eyes  of  every  wage  earner  who  looks  for  meat  on  his  table  more  than  once 
a week,  clothes  on  his  children,  and  a school  house  for  them  instead  of  a factory, 
and  a decent  home  for  his  wife  instead  of  a place  at  a chainmaker’s  forge. 

Nathaniel  McKay. 

New  York,  Sept.  12,  1888. 


DISTANCES.— hi  EW  YORK  (Sandy  Hook)  TO 

Queenstown 2, 800  Miles.  Southampton 3, 100  Miles. 

Liverpool 3,108  “ Havre 3,150  “ 


NO  DODGING  ABOUT  THIS. 

“The  Democratic  Party  is  a Free  Trade  Party,  or  it  is  nothing.”— Henry  Wa t- 
terson,  leading  Democratic  editor  of  the  South. 


THE  FRUITS  OF  PROTECTION. 

[From  Mr.  McKinley’s  Speech  in  Congress,  May  6,  1890.] 

The  accumulations  of  the  laborers  of  the  country  have  increased,  and  the  work- 
ing classes  of  no  nation  in  the  world  have  such  splendid  deposits  in  savings-banks 
as  the  working  classes  of  the  United  States. 

Listen  to  its  own  story.  The  deposits  of  all  the  savings  banks  of  Now  England 
in  1886  equaled  $554,532,434.  The  deposits  in  the  savings  banks  of  New  York  in 
1886  was  S482.686.730.  The  deposits  in  the  savings  bauks  of  Massachusetts  for 
the  year  1887  was  $302,948,624,  and  the  number  of  depositors  was  944  778,  or 
$320.67  for  each  depositor.  The  savings  banks  of  nine  states  have  in  nineteen 
years  increased  their  deposits  $628,000,000.  The  English  savings  banks  have  in 
thirty  four  years  increased  theirs  $350,000,000  Our  operatives  deposit  $7  to  the 
English  operatives’  $1.  These  vast  sums  representthe  savings  of  the  men  whose 
labor  has  been  employed  under  the  protective  policy  which  gives,  as  experience 
has  shown,  the  largest  possible  reward  to  labor. 


THE  RIGHT  KIND  OF  FREE  TRADE. 

[From  a Speech  in  Congress  by  the  Hon  J.  C.  Burrows,  May  8, 1890.] 

The  Republican  party  does  not  believe  in  a tariff  for  “revenue  only.”  We  do 
not  believe  in  imposing  a duty  on  articles  of  foreign  production,  the  like  of  which 
are  not  and  can  not  profitably  be  produced  in  this  country,  but  all  such  products 
we  would  admit  free  of  duty,  that  the  purchaser  may  s*  cure  them  as  cheaply  as 
possible  in  the  markets  of  the  world.  Upon  this  principle  we  have  materially  en- 
larged the  free  list  in  our  bill,  and  if  we  have  failed  to  place  on  the  free-list  a sin- 
gle article  of  foreign  production  which  is  not  and  can  not  be  produced  at  home, 
it  is  an  error  which  the  majority  of  the  committee  will  be  prompt  to  rectify. 


15 


THE  COUNTRY  GROWING  RICHER  EVERY  DAY. 

[From  a Speech  in  Congress  by  the  Hon.  C.  A.  Russell,  May  20, 1890.] 

In  1880  the  aggregate  debts  of  all  the  States  and  Territories  in  our  Union  were 
$260,000,000.  To-day  these  debts  on  careful  estimate  are  $215,000,000.  This 
shows  a reduction  in  the  decade  of  $45  000,000.  In  1880  the  county,  city,  town, 
township,  and  school-district  debts  aggregated,  in  addition  to  State  and  Territor- 
ial debts,  $942,000  000  They  are  estimated  to-day  at  $782,000,000.  This  shows 
a reduction  in  the  decade  of  $160,000,000.  The  national  debt  on  the  1st  of  Jan- 
uary, 1880,  was  $2,120,415,000;  on  the  1st  of  January,  1890,  it  was  $1,052,000,000, 
a reduction  of  $1,068,415,000  The  aggregate  public  indebtedness  of  all  kinds  is, 
therefore,  some  $1,274,000,000  less  than  it  was  ten  years  ago.  According  to  the 
statistical  abstract  as  published  by  the  Treasury  Department,  the  increase  in  the 
amount  of  taxable  property,  as  assessed  in  the  States  during  the  past  year,  has 
been  $1,381,024,835. 


CARING  FOR  THE  FARMERS. 

[From  a Speech  in  Congress  by  the  Hon.  J.  C.  Burrows,  May  10, 1890.] 

No  tariff  bill  that  has  ever  been  brought  before  the  American  Congress  has  been 
so  thoughtful  of  the  agricultural  interests  of  the  country.  No  matter  how  caval- 
ierly the  subject  may  be  treated  by  the  other  side  of  this  Chamber,  those  of  us  who 
live  in  the  agricultural  regions,  those  of  us  who  spring  from  the  loins  of  agricul- 
ture, so  to  speak,  know  that  this  bill  extends  its  arms  to  the  agricultural  interests 
of  this  country  as  no  tariff  bill  has  ever  done  before. 


DELAWARE’S  DEBT, 


State  of  Delaware $824,750 

County  debt: — New  Castle,  (bonded) $486,800 

“ “ (floating) 83,000 

Kent,  (1888) 44,300 

Sussex,  (1889) 23,000 

637,100 

Municipal  debt : —Wilmington 1 . 41 6. 800 

$2,878  650 


ie  official  count  of  the  counties 
hich  has  been  announced : 

of  Delaware  and  of 

those  cities  the  population 

Cities  and  Towns. 

Pop.  1890. 

Pop.  1880. 

Increase. 

Per  Cent. 

The  state, 

New  Castle  County, 

168,063 

146,608 

21  455 

14.62 

96,775 

77,716 

19.059 

24.52 

Wilmington, 

61,437 

42,478 

18,959 

44.63 

New  Castle, 

3,916 

3,700 

216 

0 58 

Sussex  County, 

38,612 

36,018 

2.368 

Decrease. 

7.20 

Kent  County, 

32,676 

32,874 

198 

o.co 

ENGLISH  DUTIES. 

On  Tea,  12c;  on  Coffee,  3c. 

There  is  butone  rate  for  the  poor  as  well  as  the  rich  on  Tea  and  Coffee.  It  is 
said  by  many  that  England  has  no  tax  or  duty,  which  is  not  true.  The  British 
Government  collects  from  the  poor  working  people  every  year  £89,829,773,  or 

$449,148,865. 


House  Tax. 

Chicory. 

Plums. 

Customs. 

Cocoa. 

Prunes. 

Stamps. 

Coffee. 

Raisins. 

Income. 

Currants. 

Tea. 

Liquors. 

Silver  Plrte. 

Tobacco. 

Beer. 

Figs. 

Wine. 

All  of  these  taxes  come  out  of  the  poor  working  people. 


McKAY  TO  GLADSTONE. 

THE  LETTER  THAT  CALLED  OUT  THE  GRAND  OLD  MAN’S  ARTICLE. 


New  York,  October  9,  1888. 

To  the  Right  Honorable  William  E.  Gladstone : 

Sir: — During  my  last  visit  to  your  country,  I made  a short  tour  through  some  of  the 
manufacturing  districts.  I inspected  closely  the  condition  of  the  working  people,  my  object 
toeing  to  make  a comparison  of  the  condition  of  the  British  working  classes,  with  that  of  the 
wording  people  in  my  own  country.  The  result,  of  my  observations  have  been  embodied 
perfunctorily  in  the  Tribune,  Mail  and  Express,  and  the  pamphlet  which  accompanies  this  letter. 

My  views  on  the  present  situation  of  the  laboring  classes  in  England  arc  most  respectfully 
presented  to  your  notice  as  being  those  ot  an  American  workingman,  and  possibly  my  appeal  to 
the  wage-earners  of  the  United  S.ates  may  interest  you.  1 nave  attempted  no  discussion  of  the 
causes  that  underlie  the  present  deplorable  position  of  the  British  laboring  man.  The  question 
of  whether  tha  free  trade  system,  as  it  works  in  Great  Britain,  or  the  protective  tariff  system,  as 
such  system  operates  in  the  United  States,  is  the  better  for  the  “bone  aud  sinew'’  of  either 
country,  has  a great  range.  A lull  anil  thorough  discussion  of  such  a subject  is  beyond  the 
power  of  any  one  man,  I fancy : though,  like  all  other  practical  men  who  have  been  in  clos8 
contact  with  working  people  for  many  years,  I have  my  opinion. 

You  are,  no  doubt,  aware  of  the  political  contest  now  going  on  in  this  country,  and  that 
Presiden  Cleveland  has  advised  a reduction  of  the  tariff.  He  supports  his  views  by  plagiarism 
from  the  arguments  of  prominent  British  advocates  of  free  trade  You  have  said,  I think,  that 
at  some  future  day  “America  would  wrest  from  England  her  commercial  primacy,”  and 
whether  she  will  achieve  this  by  her  present  policy  of  protection  or  by  a change  to  the  free 
trade  system  oi  England,  is  an  important  que-tion  at  this  time  to  the  people  of  the  United  States. 

Tne  experiment  of  free  trade  has  been  made  in  Great  Britain  to  an  extent  not  equaled  in  any 
other  country.  Has  it  been  successful?  Is  not  the  term  “free  trade,”  as  applied  io  the  com- 
mercial system  of  Great  Britain,  a misnomer;  and  does  such  a policy  confer  upon  the  British 
nation  the  “greatest  good  to  the  greatest  number?’’  Has  the  Cobden  system  of  political 
economy  fulfilled  in  any  one  feature  the  predictions  of  its  early  advocates?  Has  not  the  pres- 
ent conunerciil  supremacy  of  England  been  obtained,  and  is  not  such  supremacy  now  upheld, 
at  the  expense  directly  of  the  *■  bone  and  sinew  ” or  the  industry  of  the  British  working  people? 

Questions  like  the  foregoing,  as  well  as  other  cognate  questions,  just  now,  are  forcibly 
suggested  to  the  people  of  the  United  States  We  are,  in  this  country,  a nation  of  “working 
people,”  and  I speak  “ by  the  card  ” when  I say  that  thousands  of  workingmen  on  this  side  of 
the  Atlantic  would  be  glad  to  know  your  views  regarding  the  relative  value  of  ft  ee  trade  and 
protection  to  the  English-speaking  people.  As  a profound  philosopher,  eminent  statesman  and 
representative  Englishman,  your  opinion  on  such  a matter,  however  cursorily  given,  would 
have  a weight  superior  to  any  other  authority,  1 tbink. 

Some  thirty  years  ago  we  built  ships  for  England,  the  fastest  that  ever  sailed  the  ocean. 
My  late  brother,  Donald  McKay,  built  for  the  Black  Ball  Line  of  Liverpool,  the  “ Lightning,” 
the  “James  Baines,”  "Champion  of  the  Seas,”  “Commodore  Perry,”  “Japan,”  “Blanche 
Moore,  ’ and  otners.  We  could  compete  with  your  labor  before  tie  war  I was  a young  man 
with  him  in  the  building  of  these  ships,  and  was  obliged  to  work  for  sii.  shillings  per  day,  while 
now  I would  get  fourteen  shilllnus  per  day.  While  we  were  fighting  our  Southern  brethren, 
your  ship- builders  were  building  ships,  and  the  Alabama  and  other  vessels  were  destroying 
ours,  so  to-day  we  are  practically  without  ocean  commerce.  I attributed  it  to  the  cheap  labor 
in  E gland.  If  our  workmen  would  submit  to  receive  the  same  wages  as  yours,  it  would 
reduce  the  price  of  material  also,  and  we  could  once  more  gain  our  place  on  the  ocean,  but 
American  mectiani  swill  never  consent  to  have  their  wages  reduced  so  low  as  thos<  of  your 
workmen ; therefore,  we  must  be  content  without  commerce  until  we  can  get  some  relief  from 
our  Government.  We  are  confident  of  aid  if  we  get  a Republican  form  of  Government,  one 
that  will  act  iu  sympathy  with  the  best  interests  of  the  working  people.  The  present  Govern- 
ment is  more  than  anxious  to  put  the  working  people  on  the  same  footing  as  those  in  the  free 
trade  countries  of  Europe.  This  we  are  determined  shall  never  occur. 

In  closing,  I pray  you  to  absolve  me  from  anything  like  impertinence  when  I express  the 
hope  herewith  that  sometime  in  ihe  near  future  you  may  see  fit  to  make  public  your  views  on 
the  subject.  I am,  dear  sir.  Yours  with  great  respect, 

15  Whitehall  Street,  New  York.  NATHANIEL  McKAY. 


MR.  GLADSTONE’S  REPLY. 

Dear  Sir  : — On  the  9th  of  October,  you  addressed  to  me  a detailed  and  courteous  letter. 
I have  now  felt  myself  free  to  write  a yet  more  full  reply,  and  have  sent  the  MS.  to  the  editor 
of  the  North  American  Review,  in  which  it  will  be  published.  I remain,  dear  sir, 

Your  very  faithful  and  obedient, 

LONDON,  April  9,  1889.  W.  E.  GLADSTONE. 

Nathaniel  McKay,  Esq.,  15  Whitehall  St.,  New  York. 

[The  MS.  Mr.  Gladstone  speaks  of  was  published  in  the  North  American  Review,  in  January, 
in  answer  to  my  letter. — N.  McK.J 


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UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS-URBANA 


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